The Global Afrikan Political Time of Day [Part 3]:
An Afrocentric Pan-Afrikanism
[Ph.D., Public Policy Analysis]
Given this background, an Afrocentric Pan-Afrikanism is considered Afrocentric to emphasize the required spiritual, cognitive/mental, affective, psycho-spiritual and psycho-motor constructs of behavior due to the fact that in order for the Afrikan to be Afrocentric they must conceive and interact in the world on Afrikan Utamaduni [Kiswahili: Culture] terms.
To put the point more succinctly just as the Wahenga na Wahenguzi [Kiswahili: Great Ancestors] stated that one must be, think and do MЗ‘T/Maat exemplified in the concept MЗ‘XRW/Maa-Kheru [Kush/Kemet: True of Voice, Speaking Truth] so here to be Afrocentric one must be, think and do as an Afrikan defined by Afrikan cultural thought moving according to the best interests of Watu Weusi as defined by Afrikan Mapokeo.
As Mzee Molefi Asante informs us:
“In her book, The Afrocentric Paradigm, Ama Mazama explains that Afrocentricity is not merely a worldview nor even a theory as such, but rather it is a paradigm that results in the reconceptualization of the social and historical reality of African people. Actually, what she suggests is that the Afrocentric paradigm is a revolutionary shift in thinking proposed as a constructural adjustment to black disorientation, de-centeredness, and lack of agency.”
On the other hand, Pan-Afrikanism is a socio-cultural, socio-political, socio-economic, socio-military liberatory, unification movement of Afrikans on behalf of the Beautyful Ones Not Yet Born, and it is a Wahenga na Wahenguzi inspired socio-political economic and cultural grassroots movement of Afrikan people:
“…For effecting salutary changes in the lives of the persons and societies of the Black race; a movement whose mission is to liberate the Black race from its alien conquerors and exploiters and humiliators…a movement whose task is to organize and lead the Black race to victory in the race war that Caucasian aggressors (both Arab and European) have inflicted on the Black Race for several millennia now.”
Therefore, an Afrocentric Pan-Afrikanism involves the cognitive recalibration of the Afrikan to ensure NIWT/Nu.t [Kush/Kemet: Community] cohesiveness and continuation where by the Global Afrikan in order to constantly maintain a path guided by the Wahenga na Wahenguzi and infused with MЗ‘T/Maat poses to themselves the following questions which illustrate operationalized applied Afrocentric critically analytical thinking:
1. Have I as an Afrikan who is conscious of myself as a Black Afrikan substantively located the Afrikan problem in Afrikan spiritual, cultural, social, historical, political and economic context?
2. Have I as an Afrikan who is conscious of myself as a Black Afrikan approached the Afrikan problem with the Afrikan as subjective independent agent operating from Afrikan cultural paradigms?
3. Have I as an Afrikan who is conscious of myself as a Black Afrikan defined and defended the Afrikan cultural basis for Afrikan agency?
4. Have I as an Afrikan who is conscious of myself as a Black Afrikan thoroughly refined the lexicology utilized so as to reflect a respect for Afrikan cultural reality?
5. Have I as an Afrikan who is conscious of myself as a Black Afrikan unambiguously delineated the utility of the act under consideration to the solving of Afrikan problems?
An Afrocentric Pan-Afrikanism then, informs the Afrocentric Mwendo kwa Uweza wa Afrika [Kush/Kemet: Movement for Afrikan Power].
Modeled on the re-unification, liberation movements of the Nile Valley initiated by the glorious Wahenga na Wahenguzi and righteous Viongozi [Kiswahili: Leaders] of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Kush and Kemet such as:
The Wafrika Weusi NЗMR MIN/Narmer Menes c. 1141 KC [3100 BCE], who led the Afrikan liberation and re-unification movement of the Nile Valley which launched the four millennia Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Kush and KMT/Kemet;
SQNNR TЗ/Seqenenre Tao II and his wife З’HTP/Aahotep c. 5806- 5796 KC [c. 1565-1555 BCE], KЗMS/Kamose c. 2686-2691 KC [c. 1555–1550 BCE] and ЗHMS/Ahmose I and his wife NFRTЗRI/Nefertari c. 5791- 5766 KC [c. 1550-1525 BCE], who beginning with SQNNR TЗ/Seqenenre Tao II and З’HTP/Aahotep launched the War of National Liberation and re-unification movement of Upper and Lower KMT/Kemet which eventually ousted the Kushite Kanaanite Hyksos invaders from Lower KMT/Kemet with the decisive campaigns being waged under SQNNR TЗ/Seqenenre Tao II and З’HTP/Aahotep’s son KЗMS/Kamose and latter his brother ЗHMS/Ahmose I and his wife NFRTЗRI/Nefertari;
TЗHЗRKЗ/Taharka c. 4931-4905 KC [c. 690-664 BCE], who led a successful MЗ‘T/Maat motivated spiritual re-unification movement of Upper and Lower Kemet; as well as
Sunni Ali Ber c. 5705-5733 KC [c. 1464-1492 CE], the founder of the Songhai Empire and
Shaka kaSenzangakhona c. 6028- 6069 KC [c. 1787-1828 CE], the founder of the Zulu Empire.
An Afrocentric Pan-Afrikanism is emphatically concerned with the reconstruction of Uweza wa Afrika in order to among other things protect and defend the territorial integrity of the Afrikan nation, provide security and safety for Afrikan people and the creation of a space for sustaining the sanctity of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika.
An Afrocentric Pan-Afrikanism also recognizes that there are major constructs of socio-political economic power.
Some of the power constructs are:
1) Military strategic and logistical power;
2) Military technological sustainability and innovative power;
3) Political-economic power;
4) Utamaduni power;
5) Utambuzi-Ideological power;
6) Multi-mabila, trans-territorial, reciprocal interchange relationships or transnational power; and
7) Epigenetic transgenerational relationship power.
A key area of power where the Afrikan grassroots holds immense influence is in the arena of multi-mabila, trans-territorial, reciprocal interchange relationships or transnational power.
Transnational power is centered on the relationships existing among Utamaduni across political borders and to a significant degree beyond effective government socio-political economic control.
With the latest incarnation of Eurasian control of International Political Economy through multinational corporate globalization there are a multiplicity of points of social interaction, association and connectivity of people through social, religious and economic institutions which transcend the borders of the Eurasian contrived nation-states.
In addition, these points of connectivity occurring at multiple levels lead to the exchange of Utamaduni and political customs, idiosyncrasies and peculiarities with power in the exchange being leveraged by one member or other of the transaction given the specifics of the interchange.
Due to the skewed nature of power relationships in the current world setting, these interactions can be infused with cultural hegemony which disproportionately affects the cultural agency of one of the participants and thus gives undue influence to a set of Utamaduni traditions and conventions and thereby also to a set of power relationships.
Under the current system of imperially defined international economic consumption and economic production, transnational relations exist through international labor migration, international financial transactions, narcotics trafficking, human trafficking, sex enslavement, child enslavement, labor enslavement- specifically in Sudan and Mauretania, and international information circulation through media, religious and educational institutions.
In such a generally unrestricted atmosphere people, social organizations, political progressive liberatory groups, Christian and Islamic religious fanatical fundamentalist elements, ‘legally’ recognized businesses and sanctioned ‘illegal’ business organizations and other institutions interact to unprecedented degrees and given the right set of circumstances are able to be socially organized and mobilized across international borders for all manner of reasons.
The technology which facilitates this allows for the possibility of the Afrikan grassroots to be self-empowered and when organized and mobilized across political and geographic borders to participate in important policy determining roles in global politics regardless of location and to be capable of reshaping the imperialist global political domain as the coercive power of massive destruction, i.e., state terrorism is now diffused and is no longer the exclusive preserve of imperial state terror power centers in Eurasia and America.
In other words, the state terrorist can now to very substantive degrees be terrorized in a context of asymmetric warfare and the application of soft power to achieve hard ends.
Strategically planned, organized and managed non-violent grassroots civil disobedience movements are a massively destructive application of rural and urban peasant power when aimed at the vital political, economic, religious and cultural arteries of a society.
The necessity of the organization and mobilization of the Afrikan grassroots to achieve such ends is worthy of extraordinary attention as the existence of the globe spanning Utawanyika wa Waafrika Weusi Duniani are an indication of the potential of Uweza ya Afrika to be exerted through transnational relations and alter the contemporary shape of International Political Economy.
As an Afrikan Itikadi that sufficiently coalesces the cognitive, affective, psycho-spiritual and psycho-motor aspects of the Utambuzi wa Wafrika Weusi causing contemplation on Mvu ya Ankh, Afya ya juu Kabisa, Ustawi wa Afrika, Umoja wa Afrika, Uweza wa Afrika and Uongozi wa Afrika with the intentionality of developing policies to implement and enhance, the socialization process also implies that an Afrocentric Pan-Afrikanism is concerned with the natural human tendency of Kulinda through Mpangilio wa Pamoja [Kush/Kemet: Collective Organization] to protect against any dangers inherent in the environment which would inhibit the Kukua [Kiswahili: Growth] and Uendelezaji [Kiswahili: Flourishment] of the NIWT/Nu.t.
The dangers no matter whether geological or biological, necessitate an Utambuzi of Usalama wa Pamoja [Kiswahili: Collective Security] and Uongozi wa Pamoja [Kiswahili: Collective Leadership].
The question of Mpangilio wa Pamoja, Usalama wa Pamoja and Uongozi wa Pamoja is an ideo-genesis of Elimu ya Uhalisi [Kiswahili: Metaphysics, Knowledge/Science of Reality].
The defining trait of Elimu ya Uhalisi is relationships and thus Umoja. This is so due to the contention that if there is a sacred relationship then there must be Kuhusiana [Kiswahili: Relating] and thus a melodious unison of communion.
For the NIWT/Nu.t the Udhanifu [Kiswahili: Ideal, Idealism] of Umoja is complex with a network of many interlocking components encompassing the whole of the Mvu ya Ankh.
This is exemplified linguistically in the Afrikan perspective by the nouns Udhanifu and Dhana [Kiswahili: Concept, Idea] being derived from the verb Kudhani [Kiswahili: To Think, Imagine].
 Molefi Kete Asante, An Afrocentric Manifesto: Toward and African Renaissance (Malden, Mass.: Polity Press, 2008) pp. 9; Ama Mazama, The Afrocentric Paradigm (Trenton: Africa World Press, 2003)
 Chinweizu, “Let’s Study Pan-Africanism- The Pan-Africanism Study Project [PASP]” (Festac Town Lagos, Nigeria: Chinweizu, 2011) For Additional information on the Pan-Africanism Study Project- Chinweizu, P. O. Box 988, Festac Town, Lagos, Nigeria. email@example.com
 Molefi Kete Asante, An Afrocentric Manifesto: Toward and African Renaissance (Malden, Mass.: Polity Press, 2008) pp. 31-54.
 Previous incarnations of the contemporary phenomenon of multinational business enterprises, supported by a national government were the Knights Templars c. 5361 KC [c. 1120 CE] of Eurasia during the era of the Eurasian Crusades or ‘Murder Tours’ in search of wealth, political power and barbaric prestige throughout Southwest Asia and parts of North Afrika; the British East India Company c. 5841 KC [c. 1600 CE]; and the Dutch East India Company c. 5843 KC [c. 1602 CE].
 Martin Luther King Jr., Ph.D., Crisis in America’s Cities: An Analysis of Social Disorder and a Plan of Action Against Poverty, Discrimination and Racism in Urban America (Atlanta, Georgia: Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 1967); Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action Vol. I, II, III (Boston, Mass.: Porter Sargent Publishers, 1973); Robert L. Helvey, On Strategic Non-violent Conflict: Thinking About the Fundamentals (Boston, Mass.: Albert Einstein Institution, 2004); Gene Sharp, From Dictatorship to Democracy: A Conceptual Framework for Liberation (Boston, Mass.: Albert Einstein Institution, 2010); Gene Sharp, There Are Realistic Alternatives (Boston, Mass.: Albert Einstein Institution, 2003); Gene Sharp, Self-Liberation: A Guide to Strategic Planning for Action to End a Dictatorship or Other Oppression (Boston, Mass.: Albert Einstein Institution, 2009); Peter Ackerman and Jack DuVall, A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict ( New York: Palgrave, 2001)