Socio-Political Economic Re-construction, Nation-Building, and the Parameters of Authentic Wafrika Weusi Global SBЗ/Seba

Socio-Political Economic Re-construction, Nation-Building, and the Parameters of Authentic Wafrika Weusi Global SBЗ/Seba: Re-creating an Wafrika Weusi Grassroots Oriented Pan-Afrikan SBЗ/Seba Policy Agenda for the Re-establishment of Wafrika Weusi Global Power in the 62^nd Century KC [21^st Century BCE][1]

 

Ambakisye-Okang Olatunde Dukuzumurenyi, Ph.D. [Public Policy Analysis]

Abstract

 

The socio-political economic, sociological, psychological, socio-historical, philosophical, physiological, chemical and theological liberation of Global Wafrika Weusi nations from two and half millennia of domination by Eurasian imperialist socio-political economic power elites, currently exemplified in the structural and functional nature of the global socio-political economic and political power relationships associated with globalization, have far reaching implications for Afrikan educational philosophy and praxis. The transformation of the present educational policy agenda of Global Wafrika Weusi peoples requires the reconstruction of the Euro-centrically contrived ‘domain of discourse’ within which the current discussion, debate, policy design, implementation and evaluation initiatives occur. This then suggests an Afrikan-centered philosophical frame of reference evolving out of the Afrikan historical experience.   In this light this paper utilizes Applied General Systems Theory and socio-historical analysis methodology within the integrative philosophical framework of the KMT/Kemet cosmological concept of MЗ‘T/Maat, to analyze the impact of Eurasian educational policies in Global Wafrika Weusi Nations; and nine key areas around which a Pan-Afrikan educational policy agenda could be focused.

 

“Aachaye kweli huirudia.” [Kiswahili Proverb]

 

"We aim, politically, at government of the Africans by the Africans, for the Africans, with everybody who owes his only loyalty to Africa and who is prepared to accept the democratic rule of an African majority being regarded as an African." [Mhenga Mangaliso Sobukwe]

 

          Twenty-five hundred years ago c. 3716 KC [c. 525 BCE] an imperial coalition of the Kingdom of mulattosized Wafrika Weusi [Kiswahili: Black Afrikan] Persians and descendants of Indo-European Russian Steppe nomads represented by the Kingdom of the Medes successfully routed the armies of KMT/Kemet [Kush/Kemet: Ancient Egypt], one of the earliest and greatest pluralist global powers of Afrika Nyeusi [Kiswahili: Black Afrika],[2] established, developed and maintained by Wafrika Weusi, an exemplar of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika [Kiswahili: Afrikan High Culture, i.e. Civilization]; and sacked WЗST/Waset [Kush/Kemet: Ancient Egyptian Thebes, Luxor-Karnak] the capital and Holy City of the Watu Weusi [Kiswahili: Black People, i.e. Blacks].  This act ended over ten thousand years 12759-3716 KC [c. 17000-525 BCE][3] of the undisputed global predominance of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika Nyeusi and effectively began the sustained Eurasian onslaught of Wafrika Weusi populations and the conquest and domination of the lands of the Watu Weusi.

        When considering the resulting spiritual-religious, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological enshacklement of Wafrika Weusi and the necessity of socio-political, socio-economic, psycho-historical, psychological, physiological, bio-chemical and theological liberation of the intelligentsia and peasantry of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations[4] from two and a half millennia of domination by Eurasian power elites, a situation currently exemplified in the structural and functional nature of the global economic and political power relationships associated with Eurasian Globalization,[5] the specific course of action, the Njia [Kiswahili: Way],[6] that the various authentic Afrikan governments, i.e., traditional Afrikan state institutions, Afrikan liberation organizations and neo-colonial political economic administrations have been and are following must be thoroughly examined with the express purpose of determining where the course of action is leading, so that in the quest and struggle for cultural, political, economic, military and spiritual liberation by Wafrika Weusi the desired destination is reached as opposed to the unintended or undesired, and through strategic planning and strategic management future strategic public policy goals and possibilities are outlined and delineated.  The purpose, assumptions, point of view, evidence, concepts, ideologies, inferences, conclusions, implications and theoretical underpinnings of the course of action must be systematically reassessed periodically so as to provide greater assurance that the elemental basis is valid and is not leading into unintentional directions, or to prevent the conclusion that the problem has been solved when in reality the problem has not been properly defined and the solution leaves the problematic situation intact.  In the words of Mhenga John Garang, of the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army/Movement [SPLA/SPLM] this is “…not liberation from whom; it is liberation from what.” 

For Watu Weusi the world over the context is one of war. A military, political, economic and cultural war which has lasted for well-nigh nearly three millennia and within the last half of the most recent millennia or the past “Two Thousand Seasons”[7] has reached terroristic holocaust proportions, during the Maafa Mkubwa [Kiswahili: Great Suffering].[8]  In the last half of the past century cultural imperialism[9] or culturecide[10] sustained through cultural racism[11] and democide[12] or genocide perpetrated by Eurasian power elites with the connivance of neo-colonial political economic administrations through socio-biological, political-economic and military means have left the intelligentsia and peasantry of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations at their most vulnerable.

As a state of protracted Mfecane [Kizulu: Total War] of submission accompanied by Difaqane [Kisotho: Forced Migration] exists between Eurasian and Afrikan nations, the development of a countervailing Global Wafrika Weusi Power is then a necessity not only to ensure the survival of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations but also their eventual growth and expansion as well.  To accomplish this task the reconstruction of the present economic, political and SBЗ/Seba [Kush/Kemet: Education] policy agenda of Global Afrika Nations requires the re-construction of the Eurocentrically contrived domain of discourse, within which the current discussion, debate and policy design, implementation and evaluation initiatives occur.  In fact this is of primary importance as the very intellectual geneaology of the current concepts, ideas and ideologies which predominate amongst the intelligentsia and peasantry of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations is suspect as a result of their origin in the language and culture of anti-Afrikan Eurasians. Under the current context all Afrikan life sustaining institutions are controlled by antagonistic others and that is by nature subjugation and enslavement.[13]

For Afrikan Liberation encompasses and succinctly defined by Afrikan initiated action to restore Afrikan independence and freedom of movement and development in the socio-political, socio-economic and psycho-historical modalities of Afrikan life.  Furthermore, this entails Afrikan liberatory praxis which extends into the psychological, sociological, physiological, bio-chemical and spiritual-theological spheres of Afrikan human endeavor and delves into the complex web of social organization encapsulated within the typology of human activity as presented by Neely Fuller and expounded upon by Frances Cress Welsing.  A typology which includes “…economics, education, entertainment, labor, law, politics, religion, war and sex,” and to which we must most definitely add optimal health.  Thus when speaking of Afrikan Liberation we are speaking of Afrikan self-emancipation that in order to be achieved requires the reformation of Afrikan political praxis.  The reorganizing and redesigning of Afrikan political economic praxis is at its essence a palingenesis or renaissance of Afrikan agency and thus a reconstitution of the present political economic public policy agenda of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations.

This then suggests an Afrikan-centered philosophical frame of reference evolving out of the Global Wafrika Weusi Historical Experience; a frame of reference which considers domination, specifically as it is maintained by the power determining constants of military differentials, economic differentials, health differentials, technological differentials, control of the domain of discourse, the power of definition, the definition of intelligence and the function of SBЗ/Seba.  These must be appropriated, alleviated of anti-Afrikan baggage and utilized in spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological insurgent and counter-insurgent intellectual strategies.  In particular, in order to give definite and concrete form to an authentically Afrikan Public Policy Agenda of Nation-building within the context of Neo-Liberal Disaster Monopoly Capitalism,[14] Balkanization or Haitifcation of Global Wafrika Weusi countries and that will provide Remediational and Preventative remedies to the current predicament it is necessary to re-envision the SBЗ/Seba system of Global Wafrika Weusi peoples and recreate it from the perspective of the commonalities located within discarded original Afrikan SBЗ/Seba systems, specifically  the analytical socio-historical methodology contained in the integrative philosophical framework of the KMT/Kemet cosmological concept of MЗ‘T/Maat [Kush/Kemet: Guide of Divine Action,[15] Truth, Justice, Harmony, Balance, Order, Reciprocity, Propriety].  In this light this article will analyze the impact of Western and Arab SBЗ/Seba systems and policies on Afrikan children, the nine key areas around which an authentically Pan-Afrikan SBЗ/Seba policy agenda should be focused; namely, the power determining constants of military differentials, economic differentials, technological differentials, the definition of intelligence, the power of definition, control of the domain of discourse, the purpose of SBЗ/Seba, socio-political economic reconstruction, nation-building and alternatives to Eurasian globalization, which is itself a neo-liberal re-manifestation of genocidal 57^th [16^th] century Eurasian institutions of enslavement and colonization.  With this aim in mind the following questions rise to the fore:

1)    What is the purpose of Afrikan SBЗ/Seba?

2)    What is the propagandized nature of the Eurasian SBЗ/Seba system?

3)    What is an alternative perspective on the nature of the Eurasian SBЗ/Seba system?

4)    What has been the specific relationship between the SBЗ/Seba system of Eurasia and the SBЗ/Seba system of Afrikan peoples?

5)    What has been the impact of the SBЗ/Seba system of Eurasia on Afrikan societies?

6)    What are some of the existing problems with the current SBЗ/Seba system in place throughout Global Wafrika Weusi Nations?

7)    What does a systems level analysis uncover concerning the nature and intent of the current SBЗ/Seba system in place amongst Global Wafrika Weusi Nations?

8)    What does this analysis suggest about an Afrikan-centered course of action?

9)    What are the salient factors of a Pan-Afrikan SBЗ/Seba Policy Agenda?

Socio-Political Economic Re-construction of Afrikan Society

"We have a lot of scholars, writers and politicians doing more talking than writing and more talking than acting. We have enough actors. We have enough people to talk about us and to beg. We now need people who understand what real liberation is all about and who will act to make positive change for black people happen." [Mhenga John Henrik Clarke]

 

        Through an Afrikan-centered critical analysis of Eurasian national socio-political economic reconstruction efforts in such representative case studies as nations of Haiti, Nigeria, Zymbabwe, South Sudan, Nubian [Southern] Egypt, Afghanistan, Iraq and the predominantly Wafrika Weusi city of New Orleans in the United States of America the prevailing view of national rural and urban socio-political economic reconstruction in Western or westernized countries[16] focuses on increases in certain measures of international Eurasian imperialist and local neo-colonial comprador elite constituency oriented, government based, socialized economic autonomy or the transfer of major national resources into the hands of a private minority, which are held by Western trained intelligentsia to be prerequisites for the maintenance of stable democratic, free market economy oriented capitalist societies.

        These measures of international Eurasian imperialist and local neo-colonial comprador elite oriented political economic autonomy are standardized in the form of an Index of Economic Freedom and place attention on particular international Eurasian and local comprador elite oriented public policies such as a countries trade policy to determine whether said public economic policies are either protectionist or free-trade oriented.  From the vantage point of the Western originated theory and ideology of Free Market Capitalism, protectionist public economic policies are seen as being detrimental to the free flow of financial capital, economic goods and services and as such public economic policies are believed to create barriers to Western-centric international trade and thus potentially disrupt the Western devised structures of the current international political economy.

        Another of the international Eurasian imperialist and local neo-colonial comprador elite oriented political economic measures is concerned with government budgets i.e., the national public revenues and expenditures, in particular the size and magnitude of the fiscal burden created by government expenditures, more succinctly whether the nation maintains an expansionary or contractionary fiscal public policy, as well as the progressive or regressive nature of personal income and corporate tax rates. Those policies which favor the financial interests of the international Eurasian imperialist and local neo-colonial comprador elite such as contractionary fiscal public policies and regressive tax rates are most favored as a sign of economic freedom.  The nation’s monetary public policy is also of importance especially whether the government enforces either an expansionary and therefore inflationary monetary public policy or contractionary and therefore deflationary monetary public policy.  As inflation erodes the value of accumulated currency and creates a situation where borrowing is advantageous as the loans are being repaid in devalued currency, a contractionary monetary public policy is accounted as a positive.  The level and type of government intervention in the nation’s economy on behalf of the general public through such efforts as nationalizing key industries and resources or heavy regulation are also central to determining a nation’s level of economic freedom.  If this occurs, then the country is held to be on the verge of political economic instability or in danger of becoming a “failed state” and a threat to the stability of the international community.  As previously stated it is the interests of the international Eurasian imperialist and local neo-colonial comprador elite which are given preeminence. The nature of banking and finance or what type of banking rules, especially restrictions, are put in place by the government are used to determine financial freedom and are connected to the flow of financial capital and foreign investment and thus suggest the degree of investment freedom.  Of equal importance is the implementation of western styled property rights and wage and price systems to facilitate private accumulation of resources and exploitation of the grassroots by the international Eurasian imperialist and local neo-colonial comprador elite, as well as the size and nature of the informal market within the country.

        Given its focus on the concerns of the international Eurasian imperialist and local neo-colonial comprador elite the standards do not address land reform, sustainable development and sustainable livelihoods, economic warfare, unemployment and underemployment, the quality, quantity and cultural orientation of SBЗ/Seba, control of health, housing and food institutional mechanisms, appropriateness of colonial and neo-colonial nation-state model to Afrika, the North and South political economic structural conflict, agricultural productivity as defined by the health and welfare of the population, rural development, environmental protection and expansion, international debt peonage, appropriateness of foreign technology, foreign institutions and foreign value systems and balance of payments.  All of these concerns are however necessary considerations in substantive socio-political economic re-construction and nation-building and political economic development.

 

The Sacred Purpose of Afrikan SBЗ/Seba

"Self-mastery is the fruit of self-knowledge." [Afrikan Proverb]

 

        For any self-actualizing, self-determinant people SBЗ/Seba is the means by which they maintain their bio-genetic existence and enhance their spiritual-physiological growth. As Mhenga Amos N. Wilson states:

                “To many of us see education as essentially as a preparation

                    for jobs, as a preparation for moving up in social status, and

                    a means of securing a better lifestyle.  And certainly these are

                    some of the major functions.  However, I do not see them as

                    the primary functions of education. I think it is vital that we

                    understand that the major function of education is to help

                    secure the survival of a people.  When we talk about maximizing

                    the intelligence of Black children we are speaking not just in terms

                    of their ability to go through school and to get better reading

                    and writing averages and go to the right colleges.  We are

                    concerned about enhancing their intelligence so that it can

                    serve as a means for maintaining the actual physical survival

                    of Black people…We must evaluate education in terms of its

                    fruits.”[17]

 

To this end a self-conscious people painstakingly accumulate and scrupulously transmit through the generations their aggregated wisdom and experience in all areas of human activity.  By attentively and with great caution teaching their culturally specific concepts, ideas and ideologies in the areas of philosophical, biological, genetic, intellectual, ethical, sociological, vocational, political, historical, psychological, spiritual-theological, physiological, anthropological, technological and economic inquiry a people prepare their descendants to manipulate, administer and control the full gamut of the institutional structures of power.  While adhering to the essence of Wahenga na Wahenguzi wisdom their young are encourage to consider the multiplicity of processes by which their existence is sustained and to actively engage in the methodology of self-discovery or to learn for oneself the why’s, how’s and wherefores of organized, socially constructed human existence.  A self-aware people demand that their children be as it were in a constant state of internal and external evolution and revolution consistently and pervasively observing, enquiring, learning and teaching, ever in movement against a sterile, static understanding of the dynamism that is ever-living, ever-growing tradition to banish trepidation, neurosis and antipathy.

The Eurasian Propagandized Conceptualization of SBЗ/Seba

"Silence does not exist so long as you are not master of yourself." [Afrikan Proverb]

 

          According to the traditional neo-liberal view at the micro-level of analysis centering on the individual SBЗ/Seba system administrators and faculties stress the proverbial illumination function of the information institutions which are presented as providing the individual with civilization and culture and a sense of sophistication and refinement.  The corporate business paradigm projects the SBЗ/Seba system as the producer of skilled wage laborers and managerial staff.  The parental stakeholders on the other hand generally view the SBЗ/Seba system as the primary equalizer in the distribution of income as it is a stepping stone to socio-economic mobility.  The micro-level of analysis is extended to the national society as a whole providing a spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological link between the minds of the grassroots and the needs of the international Eurasian imperialist and local neo-colonial comprador elite.  As the socio-political context is one defined by neo-colonial and neo-liberal ideologies and the local neo-colonial comprador elite have been thoroughly trained in the Eurasian SBЗ/Seba system and instilled with colonized knowledge which exalts the Eurasian way of life as being progressive and the Afrikan way as being regressive or backwards, SBЗ/Seba is mis-defined as schooling or mere training which requires rote memorization.  Additionally, as the international Eurasian elite and the Eurasian nations that they have forged from genocide and exploitation is conceived of as the standard of measure, Global Wafrika Weusi Nations are interpreted by the intelligentsia and peasantry as being without SBЗ/Seba when they have no Western styled system of schooling.  Turning their proverbial backs on their own valid Afrikan heritage the neo-colonial local comprador elite accept imitation of the West as a virtue, westernization as a mark of civilization and equate civilization with western defined SBЗ/Seba which is nothing more than repetitive training.  In this way training or schooling is deceptively presented as a progressive liberatory act and a prerequisite for economic development.  As Martin Carnoy states:

                “Thus, the concept of individual material and moral

                   improvement combined with social mobility-all

                   purportedly due to schooling-is generalized into

                   national economic growth and improvement, into

                   nations-through expenditures on schooling-increasing

                   their income per capita, civilizing themselves, and

                   raising their status among nations in a competitive,

                   industrializing world.  The legitimization of schooling

                   in this way…is a link between the economic and social

                   structure and the minds of children-the future work

                   force and political participants.”[18]

 

 A Pan-Afrikan Perspective on Eurasian SBЗ/Seba

"If you fear something, you give it power over you." [Afrikan Proverb]

 

          While the neo-liberal, neo-colonial view of Eurasian SBЗ/Seba currently holds sway across the Afrikan continent and throughout the rest of the Afrikan world, another perspective exists that is considered radical and revolutionary but is actually quite conservative.  This Pan-Afrikan and Afrocentric critical analysis suggests that none of the institutions, ideas, concepts and ideologies of Eurasia with the SBЗ/Seba being the most conspicuous is in anyway liberatory.  On the contrary the whole of the social complex of Eurasia which was transplanted into the vacuum created by the spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological warfare waged against existing Afrikan independent social structures are the result of the institutions of domination and imperialism.  These institutions which are a complex web of socio-economic and socio-political functional relationships circumscribed by political economic concepts, ideas and ideologies were created and exist to facilitate political subjugation and economic exploitation.  Their purpose is facilitated by the language and specialized vocabulary that proscribes their behavior and is diametrically opposed to the very essence of proposed Afrikan actions of freedom, independence and development as these aspirations are against the very nature of domination and imperialism which is the foundation of the existing social institutions.  Concerning social institutions Stuart Chapin explains:

“We may say that the structure of a social institution consists

in the combination of certain related type parts into a configuration possessing the properties of relative rigidity and relative persistence

of form, and tending to function as a unit on a field of contemporary culture…a social institution arises out of and as a result of repeated

groupings of interacting human individuals in response to elemental

needs or drives (sex, hunger, and fear)….common reciprocating

attitudes and conventionalized behavior patterns develop out of the

process of interaction (affection, loyalty, cooperation, domination, and subordination….cultural objects (traits) that embody symbolic values in material substances are invented or fabricated and become the cue

stimuli to behavior conditioned to them (the idol, cross, ring, and flag are charged with emotional and sentimental meaning)…cultural objects (traits that embody utilitarian values in material substances are invented or fabricated and become the means of satisfying creature wants for

warmth, shelter, etc. buildings, and furniture)…preserved in oral or

written language, eternally stored and handed down from one generation

to the next, there is description and specification of the patterns of interrelationship among these elemental drives, attitudes, symbolic

culture traits, and utilitarian culture traits.”[19]

The imperial system of domination expedited by the Eurasian SBЗ/Seba system was implanted in order to indoctrinate hand-picked youth from the subjugated population with the tastes, desires, cultural knowledge, values, norms and mores of the imperial society and then to train them to fulfill select roles created by Eurasian culture and investors within the colonial and neo-colonial social apparatus and maintain the political economic imbalances of the colonial and neo-colonial order.  As the colonial order was transferred into the hands of the formerly subjugated peoples, who as a result of mis-orientation and mis-education had little detailed knowledge of their own conquered but formerly independent Afrikan states and Kingdoms, the western indoctrination of selected youth allowed the colonial state to continue now in the hands of Afrikan neo-colonials.  These neo-colonials with few exceptions saw and continue to see Afrikan political economic development as sub-integration into the existing imperialist international economic order with their role being primarily that of continuing to supply raw resources to Eurasian markets for processing and then resale in the Afrikan neo-colonial states.  It should be remembered that the formerly self-sufficient Afrikan economies were severely altered by the colonial conquest.  Neo-colonial ideas of economic diversification center on the fiction of Foreign Direct Investment as a spur to economic development and the idea of national prostitution or tourism. With regards to the false panacea Foreign Direct Investment French Economist and Professor of Inequality at the Ecole d'Economie de Paris, Thomas Piketty states that:

“Foreign investment is complicated – it's like a drug or slow poison.

It can be useful as long as it doesn't take proportions that are too

large. When you have a significant part of your capital owned by

foreign entities, it often leads to cycles of political tensions and big

political cycles with groups either supporting the foreign owners,

sometimes in a very unfair and inequitable manner, and sometimes expropriating the foreign ownership in a way that is not so efficient.

I think it's important to realise that basically no country in history

has become rich through foreign investment.”[20]

Even so, in sum the current SBЗ/Seba systems of neo-colonial Afrika were born in the socio-political context of Eurasian imperialism and are based on colonized knowledge disciplines that have been tweaked on the edges by neo-colonial Afrikans to give cursory attention to Afrikan achievements and which are locked in a socio-historical setting that begins only in the last five centuries of the multi-millennia long history of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations.  Though half a century has passed since Afrikan flag independence, the neo-colonial SBЗ/Seba systems are for the most part still largely Eurasian oriented and conducted almost exclusively in the languages and with slightly modified curriculums of Eurasian countries.

Characteristics, Impacts and Problems of the Relationship between the SBЗ/Seba Systems of Eurasia and the Neo-Colonial SBЗ/Seba Systems of Afrika

 

"From the time I began teaching, all we Afrikans have done is to find stuff ready-made---syllabuses, curricula, the whole educational system. We haven't created our own system. We have operated within this old system. Sometimes we grumble. We suggest modifications here and there. Low-energy dabbling. What we're facing now is different. High-energy work. Not just attacking something conveniently available, but creating a superior system. Working to replace the old with it." [Ayi Kwei Armah]  [21]

 

          The overarching characteristic of the relationship existing between the SBЗ/Seba Systems of Eurasia and the Neo-colonial SBЗ/Seba Systems of Afrika is that as the Afrikan Neo-colonial organizations are nothing more than crude imitations of the Eurasians institutions they serve only to consistently transplant the culture, ethics and code of behavior of Eurasia to Afrika and thereby perpetuate the old colonial social order in neo-colonialist manifestations.  The current framework of the Afrikan Neo-colonial system is designed to meet the political economic essential requirements of Eurasian transnational corporations. As such under the guise of implementing liberatory change the Afrikan Neo-colonial SBЗ/Seba Systems maintain the old colonialist system under neo-colonialism conditions and they:

                “…impose economic and political relationships in the

                   society especially on those children who gain the least

                   (or lose most) from those relationships.  Schools demand

                   the most passive response from those groups in society

                   who are the most oppressed by the economic and political

                   system, and allow the most active participation and

                   learning from those who are least likely to want change.”[22]

 

The Afrikan Neo-colonial SBЗ/Seba Systems in their present manifestation in the main stifle all critical dissent by emphasizing rote memorization and a testing regime that devalues the Afrikan spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological experience.  The system takes the irrationality of the current dependent, oppressive Afrikan political economic situation and rationalizes it in the minds of the few who can afford the costs to receive the indoctrination.  By the very fact that it is underfunded by Afrikan neo-colonial governments whose operating budgets are heavily dependent on Eurasian largesse it ensures that millions of Afrikan children will be silenced through omission and impoverishment.[23] Even a cursory analysis of the Afrikan Neo-colonial SBЗ/Seba Systems operating in Haiti, Nigeria, Zymbabwe, South Sudan, Nubian [Southern] Egypt and in the predominantly Wafrika Weusi city of New Orleans in the United States of America by way of example reveals this to be case.

        Additionally this entire system is dubiously presented as being necessary and especially in Eurasian countries as being compulsory even though it is not SBЗ/Seba but simply training, schooling or mental enslavement.  Compulsory schooling is nothing more nor less than repetitive drilling, indoctrination and menial skill training, along with mandatory spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological disciplining into submission to authority, which the children of a given nation are required to receive by law and as such, governments are required to provide.  The provision is however socially stratified with even the quality and quantity of this compulsory indoctrination decreasing with socio-economic stratification.  The children have the training forced upon them bi mis-informed parents, guardians and an impoverished society without their cognitive consent under the guise of it being in their best interests.  The training is also given without any real, substantive regards to the socio-history, socio-culture or divinely implanted interests of the child.  The political economic social structure of compulsory mis-orientation and the socio-culture which it propagates stem from the elite groups of a given a society.  In Afrika then it is pushed by the neo-colonial, comprador elite.  For the Afrikan child this act forced indoctrination amounts to the imposition of Eurasian culture, or a terroristic cultural imperialism that results in cultural genocide, i.e. the complete eradication of Afrikan culture in name of modernization, primarily because the dominant group culture is presented as civilized and thus superior, modern and progressive, while Afrikan culture is portrayed as being the exact opposite.

        Alvin Toffler maintains that these systems of mis-orientation, mis-education and training are devised to as much as possible effectively mass-produce menial unskilled laborers, blue-collar skilled workers and white-collar managerial staff with a conformist cognitive disposition able to mechanically perform monotonous task associated with labor differentiation.  The fundamental suppositions of the system is that children are blank slates that after a certain age must be coerced to attend the regimented setting and that to ensure civil stability all members of the society must subscribe to the same cognitive culture, socio-political economic concepts, ideas and ideologies.  Instead of developing the critical thinking, critical questioning and creative thinking skills of the student and encouraging self-expression and self-awareness, emphasis is placed on rote memorization and the development of the ability to unquestioningly follow prescribe rules with the strictest obedience.[24] As in Afrika the SBЗ/Seba system is one which transfers Eurasian culture to Afrika, then the situation is one of progressive socialization to the norms of Eurasia, regimentation to the political economic needs of Eurasia and behavior modification so that their actions will be in line with the tastes, wants and desires that provide political economic benefit to Eurasia.  On this point of view Paul Goodman wrote that:

                “It is in the schools and from mass media, rather than at home or

                   from their friends, that the mass of our citizens…learn that life is

                   inevitably routine, depersonalized, venally graded…Trained in the

                   schools, they go on to the same quality of jobs, culture, politics…

                   The students are given, and seek, a narrow expertise, mastery,

                   aimed at licenses and salary.  They are indoctrinated with a

                   national thoughtlessness that is not even chauvinistic…Everything

                   will be grades and conforming, getting ahead not in the subject

                   of interest but up the [social] ladder.”[25]

 

The Eurasian SBЗ/Seba system as implanted and imitated throughout Global Wafrika Weusi Nations by the nature of its set up and operation causes the student to mistake the methodology, structural system and processes of information delivery for the substantive elements of spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological learning such as the nature and quality of subject matter content, socio-political economic and cultural context, cultural significance and underlying socio-political economic messages.  Within the system of mis-education the processes of teaching and learning, the procedures for marking and grade achievement, the act of earning a diploma or degree and the acquisition of functional competence, the ability of eloquent expressiveness and the artistically scientific skill to communicate original thought and the reception of a quantity of service and the actual quality of service are all confounded.  As Ivan Illich stated:

“The mere existence of school discourages and disables the

poor from taking control of their learning.  All over the world

the school has an anti-educational effect on society:  school

is recognized as the institution which specializes in education.

The failures of school are taken by most people as proof that

education is a very costly, very complex, always arcane,

frequently almost impossible task.”[26]

       

        The relationship existing between the SBЗ/Seba Systems of Eurasia and the Neo-colonial SBЗ/Seba Systems of Afrika also result in a state of Mang’amung’amu [Kiswahili: Confusion of Mind, False Consciousness] in the Afrikan mind as the socio-historical and socio-cultural experiences of the Afrikan are replaced with those of the Eurasian causing the Afrikan, who now has a falsified self-definition and a culturally mis-oriented self-concept, to experience an inability to engage in self-actualization and an acute case of socio-historical and socio-cultural amnesia.  The nature of the teaching is designed to contain the actions of the Afrikan in a spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological Eurasian oriented conceptual and ideological incarceration and to as much as possible prevent any unwanted actions which would be detrimental to effective external social control. The teaching received is such that the Afrikan becomes devoid of a knowledge of Afrikan socio-history, socio-economics, socio-politics and experiences socio-cultural dislocation primarily through conceptual and ideological incarceration whereby Eurasian concepts, ideas and ideologies are presented as universal and substituted for authentic Afrikan social constructions.  In this alienated state the Afrikan is then able to serve the social interests and meet the political economic needs of the Eurasian imperialists and Afrikan comprador neo-colonialists.  Another aspect of the teaching is that as much as possible the instruction is presented in an overtly apolitical and ahistorical fashion with emphasis on self-centered, egotistic, individual economic concerns so as to give rise to apathy within the Afrikan towards any socio-political and socio-economic problems that may lead to consideration of revolutionary socio-military acts towards the achievement, defense and expansion of political economic liberation and sovereign independence.[27]

 

An Afrikan-centered Applied General Systems Level Analysis of Afrikan SBЗ/Seba

 

"We cannot advance or appropriately defend our interests and lives as an Afrikan people if we place the fate of our community in the hands of the educational establishments of our oppressors and enemies, and in the hands of those Afrikans educated in them. Afrikan peoples and Afrikan leaders should be the recipients of an Afrikan-centered education. No Afrikan should be granted leadership in the Afrikan community who has not been certified through education or experience as Afrikan-centered in consciousness, identity and orientation." [Mhenga Amos N. Wilson][28]

 

          Thus far, the consideration of the Afrikan SBЗ/Seba System has centered on a structural analysis.  The outstanding feature of the structural analytic technique is that it makes the assumption that socially constructed reality[29] is static and composed of a more or less concrete internal framework and external edifices.  From this line of reasoning the emphasis is on the organization, constitution and composition of elemental properties.  Homeostasis is however not the overriding feature of socio-political economic actuality.  The actual character of socially constructed reality is one of behavior shaping interlocking systems of organizations and institutions.   These organizations and institutions make up a SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai [Kush/Kemet: Framework, Super-ordinate System] which is a conscientious planned arrangement of a complex network of institutions associated according to a spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological logical methodology that prescribes a culturally structured and historically based particular coherent and consistent routine social, political, economic and theological bio-epigenetic behavioral comportment and sociological function.  The SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai is in turn an aggregation of multiple small-scale SЗHW/Sahu [Kush/Kemet: Systems].

When viewed through the lens of an Afrikan-centered Applied General Systems Level Analysis of Afrikan SBЗ/Seba is a SЗHW/Sahu composed of interrelated essential features and is part of a larger culturally grounded SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai.  These fundamental features include the entire universe of perceptual, conceptual and ideological SЗHW/Sahu with language being the most basic perceptual, conceptual and ideological SЗHW/Sahu.  Additional aspects subsume all spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiologically defined living subjects and non-living objects.  In addition to being a universe of SЗHW/Sahu, the Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu is also an integral political economic component of a larger environment, a multi-verse, the super-ordinate, total or whole SЗHW/Sahu, i.e. the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai. Within the total SЗHW/Sahu Afrikan SBЗ/Seba then becomes a key SЗHW/Sahu necessary for the maintenance of the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai.

Within an Afrikan-centered Applied General Systems Level of Analysis, there are two distinct ways in which the structure and function of the SЗHW/Sahu can be strategically addressed.  The first is through SЗHW SMЗWY/Sahu Semawey [Kush/Kemet: System Restoration] and the second is through SЗHW TIT/Sahu Tit [Kush/Kemet: System Reformation]. The SЗHW SMЗWY/Sahu Semawey is an improvement or rectification paradigm that is an outgrowth of the reductionist scientific paradigm as conceptualized within the Western scientific tradition. The underlying assumptions of this perspective are that the design of the SЗHW/Sahu in question is fundamentally sound and an established operational norm is effective when the SЗHW/Sahu is performing at a level of efficiency.  This centers the discourse of the structure and the function of the SЗHW/Sahu within the pre-established SЗHW/Sahu boundaries and posits that a solution to any supposed SЗHW/Sahu ineffectiveness lies within the SЗHW/Sahu itself. This then will lead to any solutions being merely restorations of the existing SЗHW/Sahu as well as delinking the SЗHW/Sahu from the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai of which it is apart and functions to maintain.  If a SЗHW/Sahu such as Afrikan SBЗ/Seba demonstrates outcomes that are contrary to expected or stated intentionality’s such as for example the production of poorly skilled, functionally illiterate graduates, then first the stated public problem will be precisely defined and the parameters of the Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu and the lesser SЗHW/Sahu of which it is composed will be succinctly identified.  Next, a model of the SЗHW/Sahu conceptualizing its optimal operating states and efficient functional environmental conditions or the internal and external actions and reactions of the SЗHW/Sahu will be constructed from empirical analysis following which the SЗHW/Sahu in its current condition of dysfunction will be meticulously recorded. The optimal and actual operating states will then be compared and contrasted with an eye to measuring the magnitude of deviation from the normal optimal functionality.  At this stage a cogent hypothesis is put forward; however, the conjecture is limited to working from the parameters of the SЗHW/Sahu inward and while considering the constituent SЗHW/Sahu that make up the Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu does not include in its analysis the interlinkages of the Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu with the larger cultural SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai.

The process of SЗHW SMЗWY/Sahu Semawey centers on rigorous introspection in which the analysis begins with the parameters of the SЗHW/Sahu and then investigates inwardly with the inquiry being based on the rationale that the solution to the problem exists within the existing confines of the SЗHW/Sahu.  This modus operandi limits the quality and quantity of possible solutions to the existing functional problem because the assumption being made is that source of SЗHW/Sahu malfunctions is to be found inside the SЗHW/Sahu. The basic existence of the SЗHW/Sahu is viewed in isolation whereby by it is viewed as being an end product existing for its self as opposed to giving consideration to its role in meeting the prerequisites of the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai.  A fundamental premise of SЗHW SMЗWY/Sahu Semawey is that the original intended state of the SЗHW/Sahu is acceptable and is not a possible cause of the overarching complications.  Through the use of SЗHW SMЗWY/Sahu Semawey it is hoped that the SЗHW/Sahu problems will be corrected and its operations will be returned to a state of optimal normalcy. To this end the degree of variation between the optimal state of operation and the actual state of sub-optimization are ascertained. The variance is located then the source of the variance is sought out followed by the implementation of strategies to correct the divergence.  A substantive problem with SЗHW SMЗWY/Sahu Semawey is that the effort of correcting the causes of sub-optimization is not a long term solution, if the fundamental premises and assumptions of the SЗHW/Sahu are either anachronistic or inaccurate and the actual problem lies in the objective and subjective goals of the SЗHW/Sahu.  Furthermore, as the SЗHW/Sahu is delinked from the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai and viewed in isolation any externalities and social costs associated with the ramifications of spill-overs. Finally, the SЗHW SMЗWY/Sahu Semawey is inherently conservative for as it seeks to return the SЗHW/Sahu to some original optimal state it protects the status quo.  An example of SЗHW SMЗWY/Sahu Semawey in action is any social reform movement.

SЗHW TIT/Sahu Tit is a critical and creative thinking process that engages in an inquiry of the basic assumptions and goals which are the supports of an existing SЗHW/Sahu.  By questioning the underlying assumptions of a SЗHW/Sahu, the SЗHW TIT/Sahu Tit forces a paradigm shift.  This is so because the very purpose of the SЗHW/Sahu is brought into question and with this leads to radical experimentation and consideration of revolutionary innovations.  While the SЗHW SMЗWY/Sahu Semawey is introspective, the SЗHW TIT/Sahu Tit is extrospective and intentionally considers the relationship between SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai and the wider external ecological environment. Rather than engage in courses of action which will conserve the status quo, SЗHW TIT/Sahu Tit shifts the discourse to an extrospective focus, from the SЗHW/Sahu outward.  The interrelation of the SЗHW/Sahu in question to the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai, then becomes of extreme importance and the SЗHW/Sahu is defined in that light.

The dysfunctionality is conceptualized and delineated specifically in terms of its interaction with the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai and any other SЗHW/Sahu that is intimately associated with it in terms of nexus of corresponding objectives and goals.  This perspective is careful to contextualize the objectives and goals in terms of their correlation to adjacent SЗHW/Sahu and the wider SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai.  The pattern, scheme and objective intentionality of verified SЗHW/Sahu as it is actually attested to be from empirical observation is evaluated according to the principles of MЗ‘T/Maat [Kush/Kemet: Guide of Divine Action, Truth, Justice, Harmony, Balance, Order, Reciprocity, Propriety], ISFT/Isfet [Kush/Kemet: Prevarication, Immorality, Chaos, Incongruity, Disorganization, Conflict and Unscrupulousness], the Nguzo Saba [Kiswahili: Seven Principles] including Umoja [Kiswahili: Unity], Kujichagulia [Kiswahili: Self-Determination], Ujima [Kiswahili: Communal Work], Ujamaa [Kiswahili: Cooperative Political-Economics], Nia [Kiswahili: Purpose], Kuumba [Kiswahili: Creativity] and Imani [Kiswahili: Faith][30] and opportunity cost, demand and supply elasticity and inelasticity, utility analysis, cost-benefit analysis, social costs and externalities, depreciation, marginal analysis, trade-offs, objective and subjective policy analysis.

SЗHW TIT/Sahu Tit posits SЗHW/Sahu optimization according to a cultural norm and thus foregoes incremental steps to achieve the norm in the face of sub-optimization. Hence, through the use of strategic planning, strategic implementation and strategic evaluation of possible new radical and revolutionary options deemed capable of achieving the cultural norm of optimal efficiency the SЗHW TIT/Sahu Tit proffers unprecedented pioneering shifts in operation which radically impact the optimal performance and dynamism of the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai.  SЗHW TIT/Sahu Tit is then a creative expression of revolutionary thought steeped in analysis of application, inductive reasoning, synthesis and evaluation, while SЗHW SMЗWY/Sahu Semawey emphasizes a reductive analytical methodology. Also, within SЗHW TIT/Sahu Tit the process of planning is elevated to a lead position in the analysis of the SЗHW/Sahu.  All involved in strategic planning painstakingly consider alternative courses of action to potentially ameliorate SЗHW/Sahu dysfunction rather than looking within the SЗHW/Sahu for solutions and in the course of attempting to solve the problem simply deepening the crisis through strengthen the problem and intensifying the negative social impact.[31]

If the SЗHW/Sahu of SBЗ/Seba as experienced by Global Wafrika Weusi peoples, is viewed from the SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu inward, then what will result will be reform efforts: closing the achievement gap, equal educational opportunity, imitating Eurasian organizational and methodologies of  SBЗ/Seba, kwk. The underlying questions which deal with the socio-history of those whom Afrikans are seeking to be equal or that consider whether an equal opportunity SBЗ/Seba in a Global SЗHW/Sahu of Eurasian domination is really equal will not be addressed.  This is the case for one because the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai of which the SЗHW/Sahu of SBЗ/Seba is an integral subordinate part will not be viewed from the socio-political economic problem perspective of domination as that is not a conceptualization which is a part of the domain of discourse.  And further the moral question of equalizing SBЗ/Seba with Eurasians, the world’s greatest purveyors of genocide, rape, murder, enslavement and wholesale human slaughter will most definitely not enter into the domain of discourse.  A socio-political economic dialogue of this nature only becomes possible from the perspective of SЗHW TIT/Sahu Tit whereby the rationale and assumptions of the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai comes into question.  But even then it will come into question only from the proper cultural center and for Global Wafrika Weusi Nations that is an Afrocentric or Afrikan-centered paradigm, which goes beyond mere Afrikanity or the practice of elements of Afrikan culture, and seeks authentic Afrikan agency.[32] 

When the supra-ordinate cultural SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai of Western society is called into question and the socio-historical contextualization of the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai with its spiritual, cognitive, affective, psycho-motor physiological, political, economic, theological, religious, sexual and mythological connotations are considered, then one possible result of a structured methodical Afrocentric/Afrikan-centered analysis of this type will be to arrive at the conclusion that was reached by the Mhenga Amos N. Wilson.[33]  For Wilson stated that regardless of the symbolic changes which occur in Eurasian society as adjustments in the overall functioning of the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai of Global White Supremacy; such as the election of a small cadre of neo-colonial comprador Afrikan elites to high office in western political economic institutions, certain power constants have remained the same between Afrikan and Eurasian peoples over the last two and a half millennia which serve to sustain and expand Eurasian power.

Pan-Afrikan SBЗ/Seba Policy Agenda

"We must act as if we answer to, and only answer to, our Ancestors, our children, and the unborn." [Mhenga Amilcar Cabral]

 

                SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu currently in place throughout the areas where Global Wafrika Weusi peoples live are imitations of Eurasian imperialist oriented SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu.  The intentionality of contemporary Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu given their origination in Eurasian culture SЗHW/Sahu is the continued propagation of Eurasian culture through the production of trained persons with the spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological sensibilities to perpetuate Eurasian global power and domination and conversely Global Wafrika Weusi subjugation. The SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu which have been set up throughout the Afrikan continent and the Afrikan Diaspora are in no way based on the spiritual, cognitive, affective, psycho-motor physiological and behavioral modes of the Afrikan child; a point proven by the fact that they are not grounded in the culture, socio-history and socio-experiences of Global Wafrika Weusi peoples. As they are not based on these vital fundamental psycho-social elements they ignore the genetic basis of Afrikan humanity and give no thought to Afrikan cultural history, Afrikan biological history, Afrikan climatic geographical history and Afrikan psycho-social interaction history both intergroup and intragroup.  Each of these histories is contained in the very genes of Afrikan people and must be an inherent part of the any Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu.  As Mhenga Amos N. Wilson informed us three decades ago:

“The genetic inheritance, the genes are not mere chemical packets

that determine their physiological aspects but the genes are capsulated histories of the experiences of our people. In other words, the cultural

history, biological history, climatic geographical history, the interactions

our people have had with other people, the interactions our people have

had with their environment on the African continent and other places over

the thousands and thousands of years are carried right in the bodies of

our children. It is a part of their psychology as well as their biology.

Therefore the education of our children must be based on the knowledge

of that history and the psychology that flows from that history.”[34]

Furthermore, they are not even in the least bit infused with the accumulated knowledge and wisdom on the biological development and developmental psychology of the Black child.  Being based in Eurasian culture the SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations have continuously mis-defined the socio-political economic problems that Afrikan people must solve in order to establish Wafrika Weusi power. By way of example Economics as taught to Afrikan children of both the Afrikan continent and the Afrikan Diaspora is a mirror image of Eurasian Economics.  Eurasian Economics grows out of the Eurasian socio-historical experience and is concerned with the development of Eurasian power within the current international economic order.  As currently written about and taught in Universities worldwide it is and Economics concerned with the conservation of the Eurasian global position. The global position of Eurasian countries is intimately connected with the under-development and socio-economic exploitation of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations.  The current international economic order dates back to c. 5656 KC [c. 1415 BCE] and in the words of Mhenga Walter Rodney:

“The first significant thing about the internationalization of trade in

the 15th century was that Europeans took the initiative and went to

other parts of the world… What was called international trade was

nothing but the extension overseas of European interests. The strategy behind international trade and the production that supported it was

firmly in European hands, and specifically, in the hands of the sea-going nations from the North Sea to the Mediterranean. They owned and

directed the great majority of the world’s sea-going vessels, and they controlled the financing of the trade between four continents. Africans,

had little clue as to the tri-continental links between Africa, Europe and

the Americas. Europe had a monopoly of knowledge about the international exchange system seen as a whole, for Western Europe was the only sector capable of viewing the system as a whole...From the beginning, Europe assumed the power to make decisions within the international trading

system. An excellent illustration of that is the fact that the so-called international law which governed the conduct of nations on the high seas

was nothing else but European law. Africans did not participate in its making, and in many instances African people were simply the victims, for the law recognized them only as transportable merchandise. If the African slave

was thrown overboard at sea, the only legal problem that arose was whether or not the slave-ship could claim compensation from the insurers! Above all, European decision-making power was exercised in selecting what Africa should export — in accordance with European needs.”[35]

 

That little has changed in this scenario even though Global Wafrika Weusi Nations are now led by an Afrikan intelligentsia who boast terminal degrees and training from some of the finest institutions of higher learning in the Western world and whose curriculum vitae and resumes are replete with professional experience in international institutions such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, the International Criminal Court, the International Monetary Fund and the World Health Organization is a testament to the efficiency and effectiveness of the Eurasian SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu in preserving Eurasian global political economic interests and power and Afrikan subordination.

        SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations are little more than glorified standardized testing regimes in which students take the same identical test and are considered excellent and proficient if they can correctly answer the superficial test items that are totally lacking in critical thinking. The entire testing regime that shapes the lives of the Afrikan intelligentsia and peasantry is based on the Cartesian compartmentalization of knowledge of a theorized mechanistic universe, which is the basis of the erroneous psychological theory of Behaviorism which is centered on the principle that learning is a passive act of rote memorization of categorized information. This Eurasian perspective takes no account of the latest advances in western science since the development of Quantum Theory between c. 6141- 6161 KC [c. 1900-1920 CE], which is itself a belated Eurasian statement of the ancient Afrikan conceptualization of knowledge as holistic and thus inseparable and of human learning occurring through the act of the student gaining comprehension, assigning meaning to comprehended knowledge by the association of that knowledge with previous experientially acquired knowledge. The use of tests as a means of assessment results in the negative labeling of students who do not perform well on the test thus modifying and creating student behavior and greatly reducing their chances at socio-economic mobility.  The link between testing and social mobility creates associated pressures and anxieties of testing and results in psychic trauma, illness and suicide among some students. For the students that do not test well, the differences in socio-economic backgrounds and social stratification is reinforced in the minds of the students not only as a result of their performance on the test but also as a result of their callous treatment by teachers, political leaders and the national print, digital and television media. The tests far from assessing the quality of the SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu are merely training tools that provide quantitative data on those students who manifested the skill of being good test takers and may be excellent automatons within the current international political economy; therefore they are not valid standards for assessing learning. Additionally, the test does not assess the caliber of the teacher or nature of the socio-political economic structure both which are key components in the SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu.

There are nine key areas given Afrikan socio-historical experiences over the past two and a half millennia around which an authentically Global Wafrika Weusi curriculum for Afrikan agency and political-economic liberation must be developed.  These power determining constants are:  1) Control of the Domain of Discourse;   2) Military Differentials;  3) Economic Differentials;  4) Technological Differentials; 5) Power of Definition; 6) Purpose of Education; 7) Definition of Intelligence; 8) Nation-building inclusive of State Management; Policy Design, Implementation, Evaluation, Modification; Strategic Management; Strategic Planning.  From a SBЗ/Seba agenda of this nature socio-cultural, political economic disengagement, delinking, and extrication from Eurasian derived and controlled international political economic structures become key concepts in the critical discourse of Afrikan agency. It is at the point of the control of critical discourse by the intelligentsia and peasantry of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations from Afrikan cultural foundations that the problems of military, political-economic and technological differentials between Eurasians and Afrikans come to the fore. These words are intimately associated with the problems associated with domination to be solved by Afrikan people and thus, must become the determining factors in the establishment of an authentically Afrikan SBЗ/Seba of socio-political economic liberation. Perhaps most important then of the power constants is the Control of the Domain of Discourse.

 

Regaining Control of the Ulimwengu wa Hotuba

"The ideological deficiency, not to say the total lack of ideology, within the national liberation movements — which is basically due to ignorance of the historical reality which these movements claim to transform — constitutes one of the greatest weaknesses of our struggle against imperialism, if not the greatest weakness of all…It is with the intention of making a contribution, however modest, to this debate that we present here our opinion of the foundations and objectives of national liberation in relation to the social structure. This opinion is the result of our own experiences of the struggle and of a critical appreciation of the experiences of others. To those who see in it a theoretical character, we would recall that every practice produces a theory, and that if it is true that a revolution can fail even though it be based on perfectly conceived theories, nobody has yet made a successful revolution without a revolutionary theory. "[Mhenga Amilcar Cabral][36]

 

        The Ulimwengu wa Hotuba [Kiswahili: Universe or Domain of Discourse] is a critical discursive logical dialogue that encompasses all of the culturally relevant linguistic terminology of semantic importance and defines all spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological phenomena pertaining to a specific discourse arena. Its importance stems from the relationship of the thought, spoken and written word in the social construction of psychical, emotional, somatic and political-economic reality.

Through the spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological mastery and sedulous supervision of an Afrikan culturally grounded Ulimwengu wa Hotuba, Afrikans will begin to fashion Afrikan existence.  A key way to become proficient at this is through an assiduous comprehension, analysis, application and evaluation of the socio-political economy of human actions.  After comprehending the politics and economics of the various areas of human activity, it will be possible for the intelligentsia and peasantry of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations to reconstruct authentic Afrikan political praxis.  Praxis at its most profound level is the culturally defined, predetermined collection of socio-political economic traditional practices, norms, code of behavior and mores which are rooted in the Afrikan Utambuzi wa [Kiswahili: Utambuzi wa- Consciousness of] KT MЗ KT/Ket.Ma.Ket [Kush/Kemet: Collectiveness] or World-View and its theories, axioms, concepts, beliefs, assumptions, ideas and ideologies. The Utambuzi wa KT MЗ KT/Ket.Ma.Ket is shaped by a socio-historical consciousness that informs actions through the precedents provided from a shared socio-cultural history that serve as models for contemporary practice. One such shared socio-historical practice of Global Wafrika Weusi peoples is MЗ‘T/Maat. MЗ‘T/Maat is the conceptualization of the organizing principles which are the bases of the Laws uniting all of Creation into a spiritual organic whole. The idea extends beyond the confines of the Mfumo wa Uhusiano wa Walimwengu, Viumbe na Mazingira [System of Relationships of Human Beings, Creatures and the Environment; Ecological System] encompassing the Cosmos and sustaining itself through the duality of existence in the people of the community who were viewed as being mirror images of the creator even as Mlimwengu [Kiswahili: Human Being] is the reflection of and is reflected by the Ulimwengu [Kiswahili: Universe].

MЗ‘T/Maat based socio-cultural praxis is the foundation for MЗ‘T/Maat socio-political economic interaction.  MЗ‘T/Maat socio-political economic interaction is in turn capable of categorization into a series of postulates for consciously doing political economy.

         The classification of the Afrikan-centered postulates that provide a template of some of the recurring phenomena of the socio-political economic cycle and serve as a guide for consciously engaging in socio-political economic activity may be categorized under the overarching multidisciplinary concept of XPRW/Kheperu [Kush/Kemet: Transformative Modalities of Human Beingness] which is itself subdivided into the dynamic interwoven life processes of KMЗ/Kema [Kush/Kemet: Creation, Establishment, Production], SRWD/Serudj [Kush/Kemet: Fortification, Perpetuation, Flourishment, Restoration], SWXЗY/Sukhay [Kush/Kemet: Deterioration, Disintegration, Decay].[37]

XPRW/Kheperu of Authentic Afrikan Socio-Political Economic Actions

 

Stage 1: KMЗ/Kema

KMЗ/Kema is the bio-psychological process of consciously engaging in socio-political economic activity in accordance with the suggested courses of action given a particular context that naturally flow from the complementary Laws of MЗ‘T/Maat and ISFT/Isfet with the intentionality of shaping revolutionary social forces, altering social structure, socialization and social activity and thereby bringing forth a new socio-political economic order upon which to establish an Afrikan SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai.

Socio-Political Economic Postulates of KMЗ/Kema

1. Authentic Afrikan Socio-political Economy, which is based in Afrikan culture, is initiated with an Afrikan socio-political economic concept from which is derived an Afrikan socio-political economic idea that gives rise to an Afrikan socio-political economic ideology.

2. Authentic Afrikan Socio-political Economy, which is based in Afrikan culture, connotes Afrikan communal perception and cognitive cultural participation in the solving of collective interests and public necessities.

3. Authentic Afrikan Socio-political Economy, which is based in Afrikan culture, is conscious Afrikan interaction facilitated through communal communication, according to Afrikan cultural egalitarian principles.

4. Authentic Afrikan Socio-political Economy, which is based in Afrikan culture, is specifically Afrikan communal communication with the intentionality of engaging in Afrikan socio-political economic interaction to optimally fulfill with honor communal obligations utilizing pre-existing ecological, social, political and economic factors.

5. Authentic Afrikan socio-political economic interactions that are based in Afrikan culture, when repetitively completed are transformed into socio-political economic relationships.

6. An authentic Afrikan socio-political economic relationship that is perpetuated over time becomes solidified as a collective representation in the collective subconscious of the nation and is then converted into an institution by the collective perceptions of the communal society.

7. Authentic Afrikan socio-political economic nobilities appear when a select few who have engaged in acts that have benefited the collective monopolize control of the communal institutions responsible for the preserving and development of cultural values, norms and mores.

8. The authority of the authentic Afrikan socio-political economic nobility is derived from the respectful accession of some institutions of power to them by the community as long as they adhere to the concepts of honor and obligation to the nation and maintain the ethical standard set by their Wahenga na Wahenguzi in the distant past. As this relationship is based in the Wahenga na Wahenguzi it is a spiritual as well as cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological institution and imbues the position of the nobility with a sense of sacredness coupling national sovereignty with the divine.

9. The authentic Afrikan socio-political economic community is maximally resolved on the implementation of and extremely intent on making the most efficient and effective use of Afrikan cultural values, norms, customs and mores.

10. The formation, planning, coordination and management of authentic Afrikan socio-political economic organizations is accomplished with the aim of sustaining and expanding Afrikan socio-political economic interests.

11. Within the authentic Afrikan socio-political economic community ethnicity and religion are the issues of greatest importance unlike in Western non-Afrikan societies where class is the over-riding concern. Within the communal structure status is the key organizing principle within the ethnic group with status being defined by the laws of the kinship system and Wahenga na Wahenguzi contributions to the communal well-being.  Given the egalitarian nature of the society social status may also be attained through the acquisition of knowledge which is liberally distributed.  Religion or the methodology of honoring the Wahenga na Wahenguzi has importance due to the social desire of all members of the society to honor their forebears with time-honored rites and rituals.

12. The ability to label or name the tangible and intangible aspects of existence concretizes socio-political economic relationships within the authentic Afrikan communal society. This is socio-political economic reification.

13. The legitimate power to mold the collective consciousness of the authentic Afrikan socio-political economic communal society enables the perpetual spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological concretization of socio-political economic relationships. The molding of the collective consciousness with Afrikan cultural precepts leads to these tenets becoming incarnate in each member of the communal society psychically, somatically and emotionally manifesting in socio-political values, socio-cultural predispositions or inclinations that fashion economic decisions in production and consumption patterns, social interaction, and intellectual capacity or the social perception of needs and strategic problem-solving ability. This legitimate power residing within the collective cognitive faculties of the Afrikan communal whole is the Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika [Kiswahili: Afrikan High Culture] and portends a SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu that extends beyond the aggregation of information and calling it knowledge and encompasses the development of the collective social consciousness allowing a total awareness of socially constructed reality.

14. The authentic Afrikan socio-political economic nation is a multi-ethnic pluralist society with semi-autonomous sub-entities existing within a territorial state who subscribe to the same socio-political economic reification that flows from the over-arching multi-ethnic institutional commonalities born from Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika.

Stage 2: SRWD/Serudj

SRWD/Serudj is the technical methodology grounded in Afrikan-centered argumentation by induction, deduction, analogy and counter-example and intended to probe the ontological, cosmological and teleological underpinnings of social organization for the psychical, emotional, and somatic design, implementation and evaluation of institutions deemed as necessary for the preservation and expansion of the efficient and effective socio-political economic infrastructure of authentic Afrikan society.

Socio-Political Economic Postulates of SRWD/Serudj

1. In the authentic Afrikan socio-political economic state the collective sustain social stability through acceptance and propagation of the same socio-political economic reification that outflows from Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika.

2. The Wahenga na Wahenguzi operating through the various institutions of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika meticulously delineate culturally acceptable conduct, prudently allocate socio-political economic positions and graciously apportion remuneration for ethical social conduct based on the measures of honor and obligation to the social good.

3. Within the authentic Afrikan socio-political economic territorial state Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika designates and interprets socio-political economic reality.

4. Within the authentic Afrikan socio-political economic territorial state conceptions of citizens of the territorial state and non-citizens come to the fore with the advent of non-state population groups or their representatives and the proper means of social interaction are fashioned by the institutions of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika.

5. Within the authentic Afrikan socio-political economic territorial state short-term solutions to long-term public problems result inevitably to crisis within some or all of the institutions of the socio-political economic SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai.

6. Within the authentic Afrikan socio-political economic territorial state the scarcity of natural resources that are important to the self-sufficiency of the collective whole or to segments the social whole leads to increased international political economic interaction, mutually agreed upon territorial incorporation and in extreme situations violent territorial expansion.

7. The ecological environment is the concrete context that mediates varied subjective points of view.

8. The authentic Afrikan socio-political economic territorial state generally maintains a governing structure that mixes government of the few with government of the many at both the national and local levels.[38]

9. Within the pluralist authentic Afrikan socio-political economic territorial state when common cultural values derived from millennia old Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika become superseded by mercenary rapacity on the part of ambitious high status social elements, such as well-placed extended families in the spiritual or political apparatus of the varied ethnic groups who are desirous of seizing state power represented by the national socio-political economic institutions then the irreconcilability of the contradictory aims leads to a clash of socio-political economic values covert low intensity friction and eventually overt violent conflict.

10. The duration of overt violent conflict is determined by internal and external support for the hostile parties, cultural prohibitions on the use of force and the magnitude of equilibrium of the sophistication of technological weaponry existing between the warring parties.

11. Foreign Affairs or international relations is an integral aspect of national statecraft conducted in a largely conflict ridden global environment through many institutional avenues such as trade, which is the government securing of favorable mercantile terms on behalf of business by means of negotiation. High level inter-state dialogue or diplomacy and trade are examples of low intensity warfare which can easily morph into open military conflict.

12. Bilateral and multilateral international covenants are solutions to a given set of socio-political economic problems which resolve tensions between clashing interstate interests generally in favor of the stronger interest.  These agreements are contextualized within a given socio-historical and culture time-frame, are static, institutionalized and intended to render the same results perpetually.

Stage 3: SWXЗY/Sukhay

          SWXЗY/Sukhay is the spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological decomposition of the symbols, language, values, norms, mores and ideals of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika through the onset of cultural malaise that halts the natural cultural dynamism, internal moral decadence, intragroup complacency and violent conflict, ecological challenges or intergroup pressures.  This state of affairs leads to the deconstruction of the existing socio-political economic structure through the break down in cultural stability, socio-political economic control and the processes of socio-political economic interaction.  Where once internal cooperation, accommodation and selective assimilation of external elements were the overriding concerns under conditions of stability, internal narcissistic competition and violent conflict now become the defining traits.

Socio-Political Economic Postulates of SWXЗY/Sukhay

1. Sovereignty or the culturally prescribed right of leadership and the communally sanctioned authority to wield power resides in the culturally defined institution of legitimacy and in authentic Afrikan socio-political economic societies dwells with the Wahenga na Wahenguzi.

2. Socio-political economic revolution arises when key social institutions, such as government and the SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu, come into conflict desacralizing the institution of legitimacy and giving rise to alternate conceptualizations of socio-political economic order. 

Definition of Afrikan Socio-political Economic Activity

“If we are going to be masters of our destiny, we must be masters of the ideas that influence that destiny.” [Mhenga John Henrik Clarke]

 

        Afrikan Socio-Political Economy is a discipline within the authentic Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu concerned with the cultural, spiritual, cognitive, affective, psycho-motor physiological enquiry in the form of critically analytic Afrikan-centered research into the methodology historically utilized by Global Wafrika Weusi people to strategically plan, cooperatively coordinate and collectively systematize their technical modes of social production for the balanced use of natural and human capital in order to substantively and optimally satisfy the requirements of the social provision of the cultural, political, economic and military necessities of Afrikan communal society in accordance with communally multi-ethnic synchronized, culturally prescribed critical systems thinking and organic decision-making processes for reciprocally-oriented, self-sufficient, strategic optimum subsistence, natural resource nationalization and strategic natural resource management in the light of socio-historical and cultural norms, mores and customs and with regards to the prevailing socially constructed international relationships characterized as power struggles.  In its operative applied form as Afrikan socio-political economic activity it is a socio-political economic action that has the intentionality of successfully resolving social rigidity, psychical stress, political-economic uncertainty and intragroup/intergroup hostility existing between Afrikan social necessities and socio-political economic perceptions of the social context and of the rules governing intragroup/intergroup relationships.  The socio-political context and habitual conventions that circumscribe intragroup/intergroup relationships are what may be called the empirical socio-economic actualities of the internal and external ecological environment.  The empirical socio-economic actualities are the ecological environmental circumstances that either constrain or sustain revolutionary Afrikan socio-political economic movements.  The elevation of Afrikan awareness of the existence and origin of social rigidity, psychical stress, political-economic uncertainty and intragroup/intergroup hostility existing between Afrikan social necessities and socio-political economic perceptions of the social context and of the rules governing intergroup relationships as well as the development of an Afrikan methodology of resolving the friction is the defining characteristic of Afrikan socio-political economic consciousness.  Afrikan agency growing out of this Afrikan-centered consciousness is Afrikan socio-political economics; the vigorous, zealous and enterprising form of Afrikan Socio-political Economy.

        Afrikan socio-political economic action arises from concepts and ideas, develops ideologies and is best comprehended through a systematic critical analysis of the sociological, philosophical, ethical, intellectual, anthropological, biological, theological and psychological underpinnings of the purposes, questions, points of view, information, inferences, implications, assumptions and concepts that are its foundation. These underpinnings and foundations must be perceived and interpreted in terms of the clarity, accuracy, relevance, logicalness, breadth, precision, significance and depth which give them structure and collectively give form to the socio-political economic concepts, ideas and ideologies.[39] With this in mind it is extremely necessary that the Afrikan seek out and keep in the fore all assumptions cautiously weighing them as to fail to do so would lead to defects in Afrikan socio-political economic conduct. The act of engaging in socio-political economic activity by two more people who have the intentionality of developing solutions to the social rigidity, psychical stress, political-economic uncertainty and intragroup/intergroup hostility existing between Afrikan social necessities and socio-political economic perceptions of the social context and of the rules governing intergroup relationships leads to the structured formation of socio-political economic institutions.  An institution is not the physical trappings that are associated with institutions such as buildings but it is in actuality structured behavioral methods that are systematized and utilized each time the particular circumstances arise.  From this perspective socio-political economics permeates all social organizations such as all forms of the media, sports, music, female and male intimate relationships, families and all aspects of the Afrikan SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai.  It is pervasive throughout the areas of human activity such as health, economics, education, entertainment, labor, law, politics, religion, war and sex.

        The totality of Afrikan social existence and the socio-political economic conditioning that occurs from it is controlled by external anti-Afrikan powers and internal anti-Afrikan elements.  These slave circumstances and external conditioning result in the continued production of mis-directed Afrikans, psychologically dependent on non-Afrikan external sources who though a monolithic giant conceive of themselves as impotent and socio-politically powerless. The Eurasian elite elements that control Afrikan socio-political economic structures have implemented a socially constructed reality that conditions Global Wafrika Weusi peoples to be avaricious consumers thus protecting their own socio-political economic power that is based on social production and religious, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor manipulation and exploitation.  The Eurasian investment in programs to control reproduction within Afrikan families, agricultural projects and direct investment in the Afrikan socio-political economy allows them to seductively shape Afrikan families, schooling methodology and current and potential future government officials through the imposition of the Eurasian Utambuzi wa KT MЗ KT/Ket.Ma.Ket.  The Eurasian socio-political economic socialization is indoctrination with the exploiters cultural norms, mores and customs thereby reducing the possibility of any effective challenge arising against the current global socio-political economic order.  Instead, the indoctrinated Afrikans, who are generally of the well-placed families in the neo-colonial order, seek to be more fully sub-integrated into the exploitative arrangement.

        A step in destroying the entire structure of Eurasian conditioning that currently constrains authentic Afrikan action is through intensive study and analysis to raise personal awareness and comprehend that the sum total of social phenomena are socio-political economic occurrences. Another necessary step is to recognize that what one conceives of spiritually, cognitively, affectively and psycho-motor physiologically is what one is able to discern in one’s concrete empirical environment.  The mental faculties selectively attend to and construct socio-political economic actions for what is has been socialized and therefore internally psychologically structured to perceptually construe.  The basis of this conception is the labels, names and definitions through which the external environment has been explained and given socio-political economic meaning.  By way of example if one is given a definition of socio-political economics as the authoritative allocation of social resources[40] and then is instructed to enumerate those human activities that one associates with that definition one will have had two things occur.  First, what one considers as socio-political economic activity will have been circumscribed by artificial mental parameters that reduce the scope of what one views in the external environment as falling within the purview of the definition. Second, ones perspective on socio-political economic activity will be a stratified out-look in which socio-political economic power naturally flows within a pyramidal hierarchy from the apex of the pyramidal power structure to the base.  The definition and any definition of any subjective and objective phenomena for that matter ingeniously configures the spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological human sub-structure and therefore associated human knowledge, as well as the comprehension, application, analysis, synthesis and evaluation of that knowledge.  Rather than conceptualizing of Afrikan socio-political economic phenomena as having a source internal to the socio-political economic participant one views an external source labeled as authoritative and by inference as reliable and authentic as being the legitimate initiator.  The power of definitions is incalculable for they play an immediate fundamental role in the subject matter of ones thoughts.

        In order to successfully identify socio-political economics in preparation for thoughtful action one should be aware of the objective fact that two or more individuals will be engaged in social interaction based on the recognition of the convergence of mutual interests and an intentionality to solve their common concerns.  These social participants, who have a particular socio-economic background, in order to solve their mutual interests will engage in particular socio-political economic actions and have to address a given set of empirical details concerning the social rigidity, psychical stress, political-economic uncertainty and intragroup/intergroup hostility existing between Afrikan social necessities and socio-political economic perceptions of the social context and of the rules governing intergroup relationships.

        In general the vast majority of the socio-political economic acts engaged in by Global Wafrika Weusi Nations within the current international political economy is nothing more than symbolic socio-political economics. An excellent example of this statement is the socio-political economic institution of voting.  With few of any exceptions the important decision-making on the choices of who will stand in the elections has already been made in the Afrikan case by foreign and neo-colonial elites away from the glare of the media.  The socio-political economic necessities of fulfilling the life needs of and optimally solving the socio-political economic problems of the electorate is in no way a concern in this socio-political economic processes that are labeled by Eurasians as democracy.  This scenario is an extremely important issue for in the case of Afrikan socio-political economic activity if the social requirements of Global Wafrika Weusi peoples and the socio-political economic problems of Global Wafrika Weusi people has not been satisfactorily ameliorated then socio-political economic activity has not taken place.  In the current atmosphere all that occurs is symbolic socio-political economics, i.e. voting or the symbol of socio-political economics has been all that has occurred; and, in the case of symbolic socio-political economic activity when the symbolic act has ended the Global Wafrika Weusi grassroots find their socio-political economic position unchanged and their myriad of problems unresolved.  Any figurative socio-political economic act that one becomes involved in does nothing more than to more fully concretize existing socio-political economic relationships which are designed to perpetuate the existing power structure which is structured to solve the problems of Eurasian elites in the core states of the global economic order and to more fully coopt the comprador Afrikan managers of the neo-colonial states and diasporas of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations. Within Eurasian and Afrikan comprador elite definitions of socio-political economic problems, analysis of the origination of the problems and the public policies that grow out of that analysis the existing socio-political economic relationships, neo-colonial states and global economic order are not the cause of the problems of the grassroots of the Global Wafrika Weusi Nations, but instead it is the defects in the culture of Afrika and in the spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological faculties of the individual members of the Afrikan grassroots.  This analysis is adhered to for to consider the Eurasian SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai as the source of the trouble is to signal a necessity of socio-political economic change in the social structure and thereby to bring about alterations in the socio-political economic power relationships and substantively reduce the social position and privileges of the current socio-political economic power elites.[41]

A Methodology of Afrikan Socio-political Economic Activity

“White domination of Blacks in our current social context is primarily by the fact that Blacks think of themselves and of reality in terms created by the self-serving interests and perspectives imposed on them by Whites, and act on the basis of biased and false information provided by Whites without realizing it. They therefore contribute to their powerlessness and domination by Whites simply by thinking of themselves and reality in a manner that allows them to be subjugated. Thus, White domination of Blacks is, to a significant degree, covered by ideology, beliefs which Blacks have been conditioned by Whites to unwittingly accept. To this degree their domination and powerlessness is self-imposed. Blacks obscure their unnecessary domination by Whites and contribute to that domination by their own gullibility and too-ready acceptance of Eurocentric ideology and their obsequious willingness to think and act only within the confines of White generated ideas, social definitions, relations and ethics (not often honoured by Whites themselves). Hence, the minds of Blacks are used to forge links of their own mental chains. When Africans in the Americas and the world over choose to critically examine the “received” ideas and biased perceptions of “reality” imposed on them by Europeans and choose to know reality for what it is – to create themselves through gaining a thorough knowledge of self, knowledge of the world, and through studying and acquiring power they will then have attained the keys to their liberation.” [Mhenga Amos N. Wilson][42]

 

          In order to effectively engage in Afrikan socio-political economic activity Global Wafrika Weusi peoples must have a firm knowledge, comprehension, analysis, synthesis and evaluation of certain subjective and objective specifics of the socio-political economic environment derived from an authentic Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu such as:

1. Delineation of the socially constructed conventions governing socio-political economics.

The socially constructed conventions are the underlying assumptions that support the culturally defined method for engaging in socio-political economic activity.  The culture of origin should be unambiguously named, analyzed and evaluated to determine if those conventions grow out of a cultural seed that is compatible with the culture of the participant.  Afrikan socio-political economics occurs when Global Wafrika Weusi peoples implement social change by rewriting the socially constructed conventions from an Afrikan cultural perspective so that those conventions will then meet Afrikan socio-economic requirements and resolve those problems that Global Afrika people must successfully resolve.

 

2. Identification of the cultural values of socio-political economics.  The socio-cultural code of behavior undergirds the intentionality’s that the people of a social order individually and collectively seek to achieve. Socio-political economic ethics are those intentionality’s and circumstances that the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai holds as sacred and was erected to sustain.  To effectively engage in Afrikan socio-political economics one must through the processes of analysis and evaluation decide if the socio-political economic cultural values that are currently enacted are to the benefit of Global Wafrika Weusi peoples and if so act in accordance with those cultural values.  However, if the existing socio-political economic cultural values are not to the benefit of Global Wafrika Weusi peoples then they must engage in Afrikan socio-political economics to the extent that it leads to the inception of socio-political economic relationships which substantively benefit Global Wafrika Weusi peoples.

 

3. Ascertainment and description of the institutional resources that serve as the basis of the power of socio-political economic participants. Eurasian imperialist power elites and local Afrikan neo-colonial compradors use socio-political economic institutional resources as a basis for power maintenance and expansion.  These institutions are behavioral problem-solving relationships established at some point in time to meet some organized and mobilized socio-political economic constituencies’ interests.  The Eurasian imperialist power elites and local Afrikan neo-colonial compradors will use their mutual class interests, access and control of media, colonial and neo-colonial religious organizations, dominating presence in socio-political economic parties and non-governmental organizations as key material assets in an effort to add legitimacy to their efforts to maintain the status quo and to persuade the wavering elements in the Afrikan grassroots.  Those members of the Afrikan grassroots who confuse the socio-political economic positions, with the personalities of the persons and intertwine the personality with legitimacy and those who hold to the mental disposition of the possibility that they may one day assume such privileges will give much weight the actions of the local Afrikan neo-colonial compradors.

 

Additionally, Global Wafrika Weusi peoples through intensive analysis, application, synthesis and evaluation within small cadres of communal study groups that should be the fundamental basis of the Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu must come to the realization that when Global Wafrika Weusi peoples alter their neo-colonized Utambuzi wa KT MЗ KT/Ket.Ma.Ket beginning at the individual level and then proceeding to the extended family, village, city, national and international level, and meticulously change their perception of existing socio-political economic institutions such as legitimacy for instance, and spiritually, cognitively, affectively and psycho-motor physiologically reposition their cultural outlook from Eurasian cultural assimilation to the panoramic vista of the Afrikan cultural perspective which causes judgments on existing socially constructed reality to be developed from the visionary ideas of Afrikan attitudes that they will then and only then accurately view the extensive socio-political economic resources that they have in hand for immediate, continuous, uninterrupted use and be able to efficiently and effectively engage in radical and revolutionary challenges and eventual alterations in the structure of power distributions.

Self-attainment of Afrikan Socio-political Economic Consciousness

"A race of people is like an individual man; until it uses its own talent, takes pride in its own history, expresses its own culture, affirms its own selfhood, it can never fulfill itself." [Mhenga Malcolm X]

          To effectively engage in socio-political economic activity on behalf of the Wahenga na Wahenguzi, Afrikan people and the ‘Beautyful Ones Not Yet Born’ one must become acutely conscious of existing socially constructed reality.  Within Eurasian imperialist reality there are five techniques that are routinely utilized in order to keep Afrikans spiritually, cognitively, affectively and psycho-motor physiologically enslaved and thereby hinder the raising of consciousness to the level of Afrikan socio-political economic awareness.  These analytic, well-ordered tactics are the promotion of Eurasian global one-dimensionality, reification of Eurasian socially constructed reality, alienation from Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika, the myth of Eurasian stasis and the Eurasian construction and inculcation of pathological Eurasian ideology.

1. Eurasian global one-dimensionality is a spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological entrapping of the mental faculties of the peoples whom one has militarily subjugated and intends to continually dominate.  The dominated people are socialized into the predisposition of consistently thinking that there is only one methodology of socio-political economic problem-solving and that the methodology derives from the holders of power. The people entrapped into the psychological state of one-dimensionality view socio-political economic empirical reality as predetermined and inescapable natural life conditions that supersede the life requirements of the subjugated people. The dominated people are possessed by the spirit and Utambuzi wa KT MЗ KT/Ket.Ma.Ket.

 

·         A method of rectifying the disastrous impact of Eurasian global one-dimensionality centers on the development of the critical systems thinking skills of the unknowing victims.  With the development of the analytic faculties one is able to deconstruct socially constructed reality.

 

2. Reification of Eurasian socially constructed reality is the acceptance of the unsubstantiated belief that socio-political economic relationships once institutionalized are concrete, material, living things that have and exceed the material existence of the humans that created them.  It is the objectification of the intangible.

 

·         A technique that is of utility for reversing and preventing the reification of Eurasian socially constructed reality is the de-reification of the language or more appropriately the replacement of the language of the conquerors with the languages of the subjugated. This act will bring into full view the socio-political economic institutional specifics that when aggregated become empirical reality.  As Eurasian socio-political economic propaganda and mythology are fundamental components of the reified Eurasian socially constructed reality when the reality is deconstructed so too is the fundamental myths and ideology.

 

3. Alienation from Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika is the spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological process by which Afrikans are transformed through the institutions of the SЗHW ‘ЗI/Sahu-Aai persons estranged from Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika and therefore from their own socio-political economic needs as well as the Wahenga na Wahenguzi developed methodologies for adequately satisfying them.  Thinking based in Eurasian global one-dimensionality creates the necessary conditions for Afrikan estrangement from Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika.  In the psycho-social state of alienation the Afrikan is so mis-directed and deluded to the point that they experience an emotional sense of pseudo-bliss as they repeatedly engage in superficial acts that satisfy their wants, confusing their wants with socio-political economic needs. Through the institutional process of Eurasian socialization Global Wafrika Weusi peoples accept the corporate business defined explanation of their needs and the products that must be consumed in order to satiate them.  Being transformed into avaricious consumers Afrikan identity becomes bound up in the superfluous products that they fritter away large segments of their life-span accumulating.  Their identity is so interwoven in the corporate products that they are willing to risk their very lives in an effort to get the item, for example through theft, or in attempts to protect the item from being desecrated or stolen.  This alienated state of the Afrikan is one in which they have been socialized into falsely believing personal wants are socio-political economic values and that the reified existence in which they live are absolute and unalterable universal conditions.

 

·         A strategy for combating alienation from Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika is the development of institutions capable of allowing the Afrikan to know themselves and create their own Afrikan oriented world.  In the words of the Afrikan Diaspora psychologist Na‘im Akbar, “Structure your world so that you are constantly reminded of who you are and who you intend to become.  Act in the best interests of your community and from the perspective of an Afrikan world-view. You will then destroy alienation and preserve your sanity.”[43]

 

4. The Myth of Eurasian Stasis is a theory based upon the speculative supposition that the current socio-political economic state of the world has remained so for time immemorial and will remain as it is in perpetuity.  The theory and ideology of Eurasian stasis is born form the biological process homeostasis in which the human body enacts a series of procedures in reaction to foreign stimuli in an effort to maintain the body functions in a steady-state.  By conceptualizing the current condition of the world as normal and unchanging Afrikan thinking becomes inelastic in the face of problematic empirical phenomena.

 

·         In order to return Afrikan thought to a balanced state defined by variance in the face of multiple challenges that allows in-depth perception, strategic counter-thought and adaptation as the need arises the Afrikan must fully comprehend the XPRW/Kheperu of authentic Afrikan socio-political economic activity and note that all social orders move through the processes of KMЗ/Kema, SRWD/Serudj and SWXЗY/Sukhay. Groups of women and men have always since time immemorial formed social organizations with the intentionality of meeting the necessities of human life in the face of externalities in the ecological environment.  The social organizations become empirical reality and socialize all new members into the culture of the society and in due course of time as external empirical realities change making obsolete the theoretical foundation of the social organization efforts are made to either reform or remake the society either internally or externally.  Thus all peoples, societies, states and kingdoms in their socio-history have experienced progression and regression and none have existed perpetually.

 

5. Pathological Eurasian Ideology once inculcated entraps the Afrikan mind into accepting Eurasian cultural values, norms and mores as the one true and correct methodology or code of behavior for socio-political economic action.  This absolutist methodology being that it is intolerant of alternative views leads to conflict and fosters barbarism.  Pathological Eurasian ideology prevents the Afrikan from solving Afrikan problems for Afrikan problems are mis-identified. That the Afrikan is mentally incapable of rectifying deplorable Afrikan socio-political economic conditions is the very sign of the pathology.  Pathological Eurasian Ideology separates ideas and actions creating two mental states that of the pathological Eurasian realist and the pathological Eurasian idealist. The pathological Eurasian realist emphasizes socio-political economic activity with the intentionality of obtaining power.  However, once in power the pathological Eurasian realists lacks any creditable concepts and ideas upon which to develop Afrikan oriented public policies.  Having attained power but lacking viable ideas the pathological Eurasian realist becomes corrupted by the trappings of neo-colonial positions and beholden to the old colonial masters and their anti-Afrikan public policies.  In being corrupted through the acquisition of neo-colonial power the pathological Eurasian realist engenders the corruption of the Afrikan grassroots as they are left mired in absolute powerlessness and degradable impoverishment.  The pathological Eurasian idealist on the other hand is so ensconced in the development of concepts and ideas, which are grounded in Eurasian cultural reality and thus anti-Afrikan that consideration of the institutions necessary for implementation, are completely ignored.  The pathological Eurasian idealist is seldom ready for the trappings of neo-colonial power as knowledge of the complexities of institutional operation and the true nature of the empirical reality are sorely lacking. Generally attaining power through so-called legitimate means, i.e. Eurasian selection and election through mass manipulation, the pathological Eurasian idealist is usually ineffective as far as the actual interests of the Afrikan grassroots are concerned and begins to compromise with the pathological Eurasian realists.

 

·         A method for correcting this situation is to found socio-political economic activity in Afrikan cultural values, norms and mores, realizing that conscious Afrikan action is revolutionary as it seeks to build Wafrika Weusi power which conversely means the dismantling of Eurasian power.  The Afrikan must be a socio-political economic idealist and realist and take a critically analytic position based in an Afrikan theory designed to construct Wafrika Weusi power.

 

The self-attainment of Afrikan socio-political economic consciousness is then achieved through critiquing contemporary Eurasian socio-political economic reality.  To carry out this task means that the Afrikan socio-political economic actor must wage a spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiological struggle to rise above their Eurasian socialization into the promotion of Eurasian global one-dimensionality, reification of Eurasian socially constructed reality, alienation from Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Afrika, the myth of Eurasian stasis and the Eurasian construction and inculcation of pathological Eurasian ideology.  The Afrikan has been socialized into Eurasian symbolic socio-political economics and therefore must rethink all that they believe that they know about the world in all of its manifestations, past, present and future for the very knowledge they have is colonized and neo-colonized propaganda devised in the interests of sustaining Eurasian socio-political economic power.  The Afrikan must boldly take a conscious deliberate position outside of the Eurasian cultural perspective calling every aspect of contemporary life into question engaging in the must meticulous interrogation possible.  All of this must be accomplished from a foundation in the Afrikan Utambuzi wa KT MЗ KT/Ket.Ma.Ket.  The goal must be the amelioration of the social rigidity, psychical stress, political-economic uncertainty and intragroup/intergroup hostility existing between Afrikan social necessities and socio-political economic perceptions of the social context and of the rules governing intragroup/intergroup relationships.[44]

Afrikan Socio-Political Economic Reconstruction

 

"It is through political, economic, and military action that we must change our circumstances. If those things are not applied in the context of our education then we are being educated just to be servants - educated servants. Because it is the intention of Europeans that Blacks never escape their condition of servitude. A higher education means that we will just be educated servants- nothing more, nothing less." [Mhenga Amos N. Wilson][45]

 

        An authentic Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu with a curriculum developed around the power determining constants of control of the domain of discourse; military differentials; economic differentials; technological differentials; power of definition; purpose of education; definition of intelligence and nation-building inclusive of state management; policy design, implementation, evaluation, modification, strategic management and strategic planning is a SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu that has as its goal the erection of authentic Afrikan socio-political economic power and is following the template of the many Afrikan global powers that have etched their names and achievements upon the papyrus and granite stone books of world history.  Its task is to substantively solve the pressing problems arising from Eurasian domination of Global Wafrika Weusi Nations.

        To change this situation Afrikans must fully engage in the continuing re-development of Wafrika Weusi counter-vailing power, through progressive populist socio-political economic engagement in the communities of the Afrikan Diaspora[46] and in the nations of continental Afrika. To begin the type of substantive progressive socio-political economic public policies which must be enacted include: 1) active Afrikan socio-political economic action through strategic delinking from the current international political economy and the forming of regionally and Sub-Saharan integrated closed domestic economies secured politically and militarily by a sub-Saharan political economic confederation and shielded by protectionist political economic public policies, along with resource nationalization and a substantive rewriting of the current laws of conducting business throughout sub-Saharan Afrika by removing so-called tax break incentives for foreign corporations doing business in Afrika, which are in reality nothing more than a means of passing the burden of doing business away from the multinational corporation and onto the grassroots Afrikan populations, who are in theory supposed to be benefiting from this example of Foreign Direct Investment and resource development. There also must be a removal of public policy hindrances to worker unionization, the elevation of craft and trade unions to government ministries and the subsidized elevation of worker pay to life sustaining levels; 2) the implementation of egalitarian measures such as  progressive graduated taxation on the wealthy Afrikan neo-colonial comprador class and foreign corporations, justified by considerations on the nature and methods by which that wealth was acquired, over centuries namely through murder and the exploitation of Afrikan labor, lands and resources in a political economic SЗHW/Sahu which privileges Eurasians over Afrikans even in Afrikan lands; 3) a policy of extensive government investment in rural health and SBЗ/Seba, along with the subsidization of rural small farmer agriculture through programs aimed at women farmers working through formal and informal local women cooperative organizations, and the establishment of a guaranteed income; 4) the immortalization of the ‘Rights of Nature’ through the setting down in stone in the manner of the Wahenga na Wahenguzi and the placement throughout the nation of granite-markers commemorating the enactment of communal laws enshrining the ‘Rights of Nature’ and the protection and expansion of indigenous forestation; 5) the enactment of laws protecting the sustainable, holistic use of the land, respecting the sanctity of the earth and, forbidding non-Afrikan land ownership and land use as well as enshrining Afrikan communal land ownership and social land guardianship in honor of the Creator, in remembrance of the Wahenga na Wahenguzi and on behalf of the Beautyful Ones Not Yet Born; 6) extensive state and local coordinated infrastructure development, infrastructure maintenance and infrastructure rehabilitation utilizing Afrikan technical expertise and local labor only; 7) state and local coordinated industrial policy centered on inter-Afrikan manufacture, inter-Afrikan trade and mutual inter-Afrikan reconstruction and development and the subsidization of industries such as artisan and textile manufacturing; 8) the limitation or severe constraining of capital export and a revaluation of Afrikan currency theory and the foundations of exchange rates along with the creation of a gold backed sub-Saharan wide currency minted from Afrikan gold and used in all transactions involving Afrikan nationalized natural resources and all other socio-political economic exchanges and serving as the reserve currency of all Afrikan and Afrikan Diaspora peoples. Such an Afrikan currency will shift the balance of global power to sub-Saharan Afrika as under such a currency the wealth of a nation would center on gold reserves as opposed to the current system which determines wealth based on the total amount of U.S. Dollars exchanged, as the U.S. Dollar along with the European Union Euro is in high demand with the U.S. Dollar being the current reserve currency globally; 9) the setting and enforcement of minimum import levels; 10) the unified invalidation, nullification and repudiation by sub-Saharan Afrikan grassroots representative organizations of the Afrikan neo-colonial comprador initiated foreign debt, which is a tool of neo-colonialist control of Afrikan resources through the subtle methodology of western centered international finance and imperialist controlled international trade; and 11) the total rejection and complete abandonment of imperialist foreign aid.  

These public policies recognize that Afrikan nations must follow a course of action which leads to the extrication of Afrikan socio-political economics from the fallacy of so-called ‘Free Market’ discipline, while advocating and implementing high levels of domestic market protectionism.

The colonially imported, militarily imposed, Afrikan neo-colonial comprador managed Eurasian doctrine of ‘Free Trade’ and Open Market Economics is centered on the economic fallacy that consumption is the basis of national prosperity.  This idea is a fallacy with regards to neo-colonies, which have had their internal socio-political economic structures destroyed or coercively altered from the doctrine of national self-sustaining, self-sufficiency to that of imperial economic dependency.  In point of fact, socio-political economic consumption is intimately connected with socio-political economic production and socio-political economic production is the actual basis of national socio-political economic prosperity. When a government, for example a so-called developing country government, centers its socio-political economic public policy on the theory of consumption, that government is automatically focusing the socio-political economic well-being of the grassroots of the nation on the current, present consumption of currently existing commodities, goods and services. In a neo-colony or developing country which has an socio-political economic infrastructure designed to export raw resources to former colonial and now neo-colonial imperial masters there is either an unprotected small scale industrial sector, such as textiles for example or no existing internal small or large scale industrial structure with a supporting SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu thus all or the vast majority of existing commodities, goods and services are of foreign origin.  As all socio-political economic public policies in the neo-colonial setting are designed to support ‘Free Trade,’ which means that there are no socio-political economic barriers in place to protect local enterprises from the well-developed multi-national government subsidized corporate enterprises of North America, Europe, Asia and increasingly South America the local Afrikan socio-political economy becomes a dumping zone for cheaply produced foreign goods, which are also of a poor quality when compared to locally made Afrikan handicrafts. 

On the other hand a socio-political economic public policy designed around socio-political economic production is future oriented.  Such a public policy gives careful consideration to both the details of the production of commodities, goods and services as well as to the circumstances under which commodities, goods and services can be sustainably produced in a continuous fashion at unvarying intervals and are therefore conveniently accessible for Afrikan grassroots consumption in the long term.  A long term socio-political economic public policy centered on production also gives careful thought to the rate of consumption of commodities, goods and services over time by the Afrikan grassroots as it is interdependent on the rate of production of commodities, goods and services, to the average rate of growth of the Afrikan grassroots population, to long term procurability of commodities, goods and services by the Afrikan grassroots or the distribution of such items among them, as well as to resource availability in the event of the probability of natural and man-made disasters which can severely cripple or totally annihilate the resource base and industrial productive capabilities of a nation. Hence natural prosperity and the well-being of the Afrikan grassroots is dependent on the state of development of productive capacities and its related industries, those that feed into the industrial system and those that depend on the product as the basis of their business activities and not on a socio-political economic public policy of consumption.  ‘Free Trade’ is an imperialist public policy best adapted and applied only with regards to the internal trading relations of the Afrikan grassroots of a socio-political economic community and not to external trading relations among nations, especially amongst nations that have imperfectly developed internal socio-political economic structures. As a socio-political economy is the outgrowth of a culture, any culture that seeks to utilize a particular socio-political economy must adapt it to fit the mores, norms and values of their culture.  ‘Free Trade’ is born of an expansionary hegemonic Eurasian culture and is a belief under the larger theory of Savage Capitalism, i.e. the Eurasian ideology of socio-political economic catastrophe.  For so-called ‘Free Trade Capitalism’ to be used by Afrikan societies it must be adjusted to fit the cultural norms of traditional Afrikan communities.

Additionally, the protectionist socio-political economic public policies here advocated enshrine into contemporary Afrikan Law: 1) the customary sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies designed to ensure the right of each member of each extended Afrikan family to a self-reliant, socially oriented, psychologically and spiritually remunerative community-enhancing profession in the industries, crafts, trades , agricultural arts or national mines of whichever Afrikan nation they reside without prejudicial regard to ethnicity, religion or gender; 2) the customary sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies brought forth to guarantee the opportunity of each member of each extended Afrikan family to produce or earn enough to provide optimally adequate food, clothing, and shelter; 3) the customary sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies established with the intentionality of protecting the right of every Afrikan farmer to raise enough food to feed the extended family and to provide a surplus for the community and nation as a means of making certain that Afrikan society consistently maintains a state of food security, with the farmer being able to sell his surplus products at a government subsidized price, which will provide the extended Afrikan family with a dignified living; 4) the customary sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies evolved by the Wahenga na Wahenguzi to secure the inviolable right of every Afrikan socio-political economic entrepreneur, both those of large scale and small scale enterprises, to trade in an communal atmosphere of Uhuru [Kiswahili: Freedom], which is devoid of government corruption, unharmonious competition and domination by local or foreign monopolies with local monopolies being restricted in size and foreign monopolies being totally excluded from Afrikan market participation; 5) the customary sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies founded by the Creator to assure the sacrosanct right of every extend Afrikan family to an accommodating, environmentally sound family-compound/home; 6) the customary sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies protected by the Creator and Wahenga na Wahenguzi and confirming the right to optimal medical care and the right to nutritious foods, which make certain the achievement and enjoyment of quality optimal health; 7) the customary sacred rights of life of Afrikan communal societies existing since the beginning of autochthonous Afrikans and guaranteeing the right to a free, quality optimal Utamaduni Mkubwa ya Mwafrika SBЗ/Seba and vocational schooling.

What is being suggested is an Afrikan oriented program designed to provide a self-sufficient, sustainable livelihood, standard of living to all Afrikans by redistributing the common-wealth of the Afrikan nation among all of the people throughout all segments of Afrikan society. The ethics of such a program stems from the moral reprehensibility of an Afrikan government allowing any of its citizens to be reduced to a status of impoverishment, i.e., to be forced to be without optimally adequate food, clothing and shelter even while the country is a net exporter of food and clothing is abundant, but priced out of their ability to pay and optimal housing is unavailable as a result of a lack of income.  All of these symptoms stemming from a violent socio-political economic SЗHW/Sahu of structurally induced institutional genocide born of Eurasian domination and exploitation. This is an socio-political economic SЗHW/Sahu that transgresses customary Afrikan law which is based on sacred concepts of honor and obligation. It violates the sacred nature of life a value common to all Afrikan peoples.  Most importantly such a SЗHW/Sahu of socio-political economics upsets the natural order and harmony of life; dispossessing MЗ‘T/Maat in favor of ISFT/Isfet.  The current socio-political economic SЗHW/Sahu of Eurasian domination and exploitation is an extremely destructive force sparing no one, crushing woman and man, girl, boy and infant, young and old and the Beautiful Ones Not Yet Born.  The established Eurasian socioeconomic and socio-political structures murder Afrikan people by the millions. The enslavement and colonization of Afrikans and the enslavement of women & children for forced labor and sexual trafficking today are socioeconomic institutions which are supported by socio-political institutions and murder millions through political and economic violence. The socio-political economic public policies, supported by political violence or the threat thereof, which allow the ruthless exploitation and murder of billions across the world by market-oriented multinational corporations and Afrikan neo-colonial comprador collaborators in all countries is yet another example of how the legal structures of Eurasian domination can be and generally are sadistically violent. As Jacques Ellul stated:

“Unjust economic systems can be as violent as rampaging armies: “All kinds of violence are the same ...the violence of the soldier who kills, the revolutionary who assassinates; it is true also of economic violence-the violence of the privileged corporate owner against his workers, of the 'haves' against the 'haves-not'; the violence done in international economic relations between Western Nations and those of the developing world; the violence done through powerful corporations which exploit the resources of a country that is unable to defend itself.”[47]

 

The affluence of the Eurasian Nations depends on unjust socio-political economic structures that make the West rich and Afrika, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, and internal Afrikan colonies within the Western Nations, for example, American Afrikans in the United States, diseased, hungry and impoverished. Land throughout these areas is used to grow export crops to sell to the Western Nations. That land ought to be used to feed the grassroots in those countries, but it isn't given that the masses cannot pay and the Western imperialists can. By their consumption based lifestyles, the socio-political economic structures they blindly participate in which support those lifestyles and the political SЗHW/Sahu that they maintain by participating in SЗHW/Sahu preservationist symbolic politics, i.e., voting, the citizens of the Eurasian countries participate in murder.  The socio-political economic straits, in which Afrikan nations find themselves due to the voluntary participation of the Afrikan neo-colonial comprador class, also results in the skewed distribution of resources within Afrikan society.  Afrikan countries and communities have a wide disparity between the small neo-colonial comprador elite and the grassroots. Socio-political economic reconstruction of Afrikan society is a near economic and political impossibility as long as between 80-95% of the nation’s wealth is concentrated in the possession of between 1-15% of the population.

To obtain the goal of providing a self-sufficient, sustainable livelihood, standard of living to all Afrikans a ceiling should be set for annual income, net worth and inheritable wealth by the design and implementation of a progressive graduated income and inheritance tax. Furthermore, the nationalization of natural resources and the tax on the revenues generated there from will be an additional source of revenue to finance the social programs.  The taxes generated will be used for, 1) public works infrastructure development and maintenance such as of dams, roads and bridge construction; 2) providing Wazee [Kiswahili: Elders] over a certain age with a superannuation fund; 3) providing Afrikan families which have an income below a set income floor with a guaranteed family income stipend that will allow for the provision of certain communally determined life necessities on an annual basis; 4) state subsidized primary, secondary and university SBЗ/Seba and vocation schooling and employment programs; 5) military service veterans and national service stipends; 6) creation and maintenance of state subsidized network of free public hospitals, free health clinics and immunizations programs for the impoverished; and 7) the setting of a price ceiling on public utilities such as electricity and water, and the regulation of enterprises which provide other fundamental goods and services such as commodity production. 

This course of action will transform the Afrikan citizen’s perception of the role of the government and of their role as government officials and as citizens. It places the government into the role of a servant, provider and protector of themselves as in a communal society the people and the government are one and the same. These programs when implemented will substantively reduce the cost of living for Afrikan people especially the impoverished majority. For Afrikan citizens will no longer be required to pay for certain life necessities, such as quality SBЗ/Seba and optimal healthcare, which the majority cannot afford and therefore do without thus dramatically increasing future impoverishment, disease and death.[48] In the final analysis:

“In the contemporary world of affluence and poverty, where man's major crime is murder by privilege, revolution against the established order is the criterion of a living faith...Truly I say to you, as you did it not to one of the least of these, you did it not to me [Matt. 25:45]. The murder of the Christ continues. Great societies build on dying men.” [James Douglass][49]

 

Thus there is both an egalitarian and moral rationale that underlies the necessity of Afrikan socio-political economic grassroots development through an authentically Afrikan SBЗ/Seba SЗHW/Sahu.

Global Wafrika Weusi Nations to a great extent must become closed socio-political economies which mean that they should compellingly delink from the Eurasian contrived and controlled global economy through a redefinition of their current role as raw material exporters; a complete rejection of free market discipline and other capitalist principles. Further actions should focus on implementing protectionist socio-political economic and cultural public policies, which greatly reduce capital export and product imports; and redesigning socio-political institutions along authentic Afrikan democratic and egalitarian traditions. One key area here is in the implementation of policies of political economic coordination of industrial and infrastructure reconstruction.  Finally, there should be massive socio-political investment in health and SBЗ/Seba.[50]

The Afrikan SBЗ/Seba is especially important for this is the key socio-political economic institution which will take the lead with competent personnel in the awakening of the critical and creative consciousness of Global Wafrika Weusi peoples.  This is the socio-political economic institution which by being centered in the Afrikan socio-historical cultural experience and focused on the key power constants listed above can develop the type of spiritual, cognitive, affective and psycho-motor physiologically aware Afrikans necessary to carry out a program of Afrikan socio-political economic reconstruction through disengagement from Eurasian institutions and thereby exemplifying true liberatory Afrikan Agency. 

Biography

Dr. Ambakisye-Okang Olatunde Dukuzumurenyi a citizen of the United States of America and expatriate resident of the United Republic of Tanzania.  Dr. Dukuzumurenyi is a graduate of Grambling State University, Grambling, LA with a Bachelors of Arts in History and Masters of Public Administration in Public Administration with emphasis in Health Service Administration and of Southern University A & M College with an earned Doctorate of Philosophy in Public Policy Analysis from the Nelson Mandela School of Public Policy and Urban Affairs.    Dr. Dukuzumurenyi is an Afrikan-centered educator, public policy analyst, public administration scholar, political scientist, and public lecturer on Afrikan education, history, economics, politics and spirituality emphasizing systems design and strategic planning in the development of Afrikan political, military, social and economic agency.  He has served the Afrikan community as an Afrikan American Studies, Geography and Economics teacher in the East Baton Rouge Parish School System of the United States for nine years, as an Adjunct Professor of Political Science at Southern University A & M College in Baton Rouge, Louisiana for one year and as Associate Director of Research and Publication, Editor of the Journal of East Afrikan Research and Lecturer on the Faculties of Education, Cultural Anthropology and Tourism, Business and Development Studies at the University of Iringa in the United Republic of Tanzania, East Afrika for two years. The guiding influences for Dr. Dukuzumurenyi have been the works of Dr. Amos N. Wilson, Dr. Asa Hilliard, Dr. John Henrik Clarke, Dr. Yosef Ben-Jochanan, Dr. Marimba Ani, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, Minister Malcolm X, Stephen Biko, Shaka Zulu, Mangaliso Sobukwe & Ptahhotep to name only a select few.

 

Notes

---

[1] In this article two calendars will be presented as a guide to recorded events. One is the Julian calendar to which all in the Eurocentric countries and their former colonies are familiar with. Its divisions used here are BCE, Before the Common Era and CE, the Common Era. The second calendar is labeled KC, for Kemet/Kush Calendar. This Kemet/Kush calendar was based on the Sopdet Year [Sothic Cycle]. The German Egyptologist Eduard Meyer of the Berlin School of Egyptology developed the Sothic Theory in 1904. See: Eduard Meyer, Ägyptische Chronologie, (Akademie der Wissenschaften: Berlin, 1904).  The Sothic Theory is based on the 1,460 year cycle of the star Sopdet [Sirius]. The Peret Sopdet, heliacal rising of Sopdet, is mentioned in many Kemetic documents as occurring in the same observational position every 1,460 years would occur on the Wep Renpet or Kemetic New Year. The earliest Sopdet Year as calculated by Eduard Meyer occurred in c. 4241 BCE, with a second Sopdet Year occurring in c. 1461 KC [c. 2780 BCE] during the 4^th Kemetic Dynasty. Another Sopdet Year is stated to have occurred during the 12^th Dynasty in the seventh year of Per-aa Sesotris III according to the Illahun Papyrus. The Eberus Medical Papyrus also states that a Sopdet Year occurred in the ninth year of the 18^th Dynasty Per-aa Amenhotep I. By dating Afrikan history from an Afrikan time-frame the contemporary events discussed occur in the, conservatively speaking, 62^nd century of Afrikan Global history.

 

[2] The multiple Mabila who founded and formed the nucleus of Utamaduni Mkubwa ya KMT/Kemet are the Wahenga na Wahenguzi of all of the Afrikan peoples who originated in the southern part of the continent including but not limited to the Wazulu, Wahehe, Wanyakusa, Wafulani, Wabambara, Wamasai, Wasomali, Wahausa, Waigbo, Wayoruba, Wabambuti, Waashanti, Wagwari, Wasoto, Wanath, Wagbaya, Wabobo, Wahutu, Watutsi, Waxhosa, Wachewa, Washona, Wachokwe, Wawolof, Wayao, Wabemba, Wuluba, Walunda, Waluvale, Waafar, Waakan, Wamandinka, Waserer, Watonga, Wakuranko, Wangombe, Watswana, Wavai, Waloko and Wakongo. John D. Baldwin, Pre-historic Nations or, Inquiries Concerning Some of the Great Peoples and Civilizations of Antiquity and Their Probable Relation to a still Older Civilization of the Ethiopians or Cushites of Arabia (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1877); Earnest A. Wallis Budge, The Egyptian Sudan: Its History and Monuments (London: Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trubner and Company Limited, 1907) pp. 505-507; Rufus L. Perry, The Cushite; or, The Children Of Ham, As Seen By The Ancient Historians and Poets (Brooklyn: Brooklyn Literary Union, 1887); William Leo Hansberry, Africa and Africans as Seen by Classical Writers, Volume II, Pillars in Ethiopian History Joseph E. Harris (Ed.) (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1977) pp. 3-16; John G. Jackson, Introduction to African Civilizations (Secaucus, NJ: Carol Publishing Group, 1994); Willis N. Huggins Ph.D. and John G. Jackson,  An Introduction to African Civilizations (New York, 1937); Cheikh Anta Diop, The African Origin of Civilization Myth or Reality (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 1974); Yosef ben-Jochannan, Africa Mother of Western Civilization [1971] (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 1988); Houston, Drusilla Dunjee,  Wonderful Ethiopians of the Ancient Cushite Empire (Oklahoma: Universal Publishing Company, 1926); Maulana Karenga, Introduction to Black studies (Los Angeles: The University of Sankore Press, 1994); John G. Jackson, Man, God, and Civilization (Chicago: Lushena Books, 2001); Cheikh Anta Diop, Civilization or Barbarism - An Authentic Anthropology (Brooklyn, NY: Lawrence Hill Books 1991); Chancellor Williams, The Destruction of Black Civilization: Great Issues of a Race Between 4500 B.C. and 2000 A.D. (Chicago: Third World Press, 1971); Yosef ben-Jochanan, Black Man of the Nile and His Family: African Foundations of European Civilization and Thought [1972] (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 1989); Yosef ben-Jochanan, The Black Man’s Religion Vol. I African Origins of Major Western Religions  [1970] (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 1991); Yosef ben-Jochanan,  The Black Man’s Religion Vol. II The Myth of Genesis and Exodus and the Exclusion of their African Origins [1970] (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 1996); Yosef ben-Jochanan,  The Black Man’s Religion Vol. III The Need for a Black Bible [1970] (Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 1996); Yosef ben-Jochannan, and John Henrik Clarke,  New Dimensions in African History: The London Lectures of Dr. Yosef Ben-Jochannan and Dr. John Henrik Clarke  (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990); John G. Jackson, Ethiopia and the Origins of Civilizations (New York: 1939); Chancellor Williams, The Rebirth of African Civilization (United Brothers and Sisters Communications Systems, 1993); J. A. Rogers, 100 Amazing Facts About The Negro (St. Petersburg, Fl: Helga M. Rogers, 1957);  Cheikh Anta Diop, Precolonial Black Africa: a comparative study of the political and social systems of Europe and Black Africa, from antiquity to the formation of modern states. Trans. Harold J. Salemson, (Westport, Conn.: L. Hill, 1987); Cheikh Anta Diop, Black Africa: the economic and cultural basis for a federated state Trans. Harold Salemson (Westport, Conn.: Lawrence Hill & Co, 1978); John Henrik Clarke, African People in World History (Philadelphia, PA: Black Classic Press, 1991); John Henrik Clarke, Africans at the Crossroads: Notes for an African World Revolution (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1991); John Henrik Clarke, Christopher Columbus and the Afrikan Holocaust: Slavery and the Rise of European Capitalism (Brooklyn, NY: A and B Books, 1992); Molefi K. Asante, Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change (Buffalo, NY: Amulefi Publishing Co., 1980); Amos N. Wilson, The Developmental Psychology of the Black Child (New York: Africana Research Publications, 1978); Amos N. Wilson, Blueprint for Black Power: A Moral, Political, and Economic Imperative for the Twenty-First Century (New York: Afrikan World Infosystems, 2000); Amos N. Wilson, The Falsification of Afrikan Consciousness: Eurocentric History, Psychiatry and the Politics of White Supremacy (New York: Afrikan World Infosystems, 1993); Amos N. Wilson, Awakening the Natural Genius of Black Children (New York: Afrikan World Infosystems, 1992); Molefi K. Asante, Kemet, Afrocentricity, and Knowledge (Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press, 1990); Molefi K. Asante, The Painful Demise of Eurocentrism: An Afrocentric Response to Critics (Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World, 1999); Frantz, Fanon, A Dying Colonialism, Trans. Haakon Chevalier (New York: Grove Press, 1965); Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, Trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove Press, 1965); Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, Trans. Charles Lam Markmann (New York: Grove Press, 1967); Frantz, Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, Trans. Haakon Chevalier (New York: Grove Press, 1967); Kwame Nkrumah, Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for De-colonization (London: Panaf, 1964); Kwame Nkrumah, “African History Through African Eyes,” in Rupert Emerson and Martin Kilson (Editors) Political Awakening of Africa (Englewood Cliff: Prentice Hall, 1965) pp. 22–26; Clyde Ahmad Winters, Egyptian Language: The Mountains of the Moon , Niger-Congo Speakers and the Origin of Egypt (Uthman dan Fodio Institute, 2013); Clyde Ahmad Winters, Before Egypt: The Maa Confederation, Africa's First Civilization (Uthman dan Fodio Institute, 2013); Clyde Ahmad Winters, The Ancient Black Civilizations of Asia (Uthman dan Fodio Institute, 2013); Clyde Ahmad Winters, African Empires in Ancient America (Uthman dan Fodio Institute, 2013); Clyde Ahmad Winters, The Kushite Prince Akinidad: And the Roman-Kushite War (Uthman dan Fodio Institute, 2013); Clyde Ahmad Winters, Meroitic Writing and Literature (Uthman dan Fodio Institute, 2013); Clyde Ahmad Winters, Atlantis in Mexico: The Mande Discovery of America (Uthman dan Fodio Institute, 2013)

 

[3] Cheikh Anta Diop, The African Origin of Civilization Myth or Reality (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 1974) pp. 22

 

[4] By Global Wafrika Weusi Nations or Global Wafrika Weusi peoples is meant the Black Afrikan peoples of the Afrikan continent and those other peoples on the continent who willingly subscribe to the quote listed above from Mhenga Mangaliso Sobukwe and the peoples of the Afrikan Diaspora including those of the forced labor migration of the 1500-1800 as well as those of the most recent brain-drain economic migration of contemporary times. By Black Afrikan the delineation is not meant to be inclusive of only those of Dark pigmentation but is inclusive of the wide divergence of Afrikan peoples who encompass the full spectrum of phenotypes from the tone of the Khoi-San of Southern Afrika to the Wapare and Wachagga of Eastern Afrika and on to the Wanath and Wadinka of South Sudan and all other Afrikan peoples in between.  Even more so, the designation as used here emphasizes the idea of Black Consciousness as prescribed by Stephen Biko, Malcolm X and Professor Amos N. Wilson, Ph.D.

 

[5] The United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand are subsumed under the designation of Eurasian as they are nothing more than currently independent former colonial children of the Western powers of Eurasia.

 

[6] Molefi Kete Asante, Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1988)

 

[7] Ayi Kwei Armah, Two Thousand Seasons (Popenguine, Senegal: Per Ankh Publishers, 2000)

 

[8] Marimba Ani, Yurugu: An African-Centered Critique of European Cultural Thought and Behavior (Trenton: Africa World Press, 1994)

 

[9] Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978); Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1993)

 

[10] Ellis Cashmore (Ed.), Encyclopaedia of Race and Ethnic Studies (London: Routledge, 2004) pp. 99-100

 

[11] James M. Blaut, “The Theory of Cultural Racism,” Antipode: A Radical Journal of Geography Volume 23 (1992) pp. 289-299

 

[12] Rudolph Rummel, Never Again: Ending War, Democide and Famine Through Democratic Freedom (Tamarac, Florida: Llumina Press, 2005)

 

[13]Bobby E. Wright, Psychopathic Racial Personality and other Essays (Chicago, Ill.: Third World Press, 1985)

 

[14] Naomi Kline, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2007)

 

[15] MЗ‘T/Maat as the female guide of right action is the origin of the personification of wisdom as a woman found in the Kushite i.e., Black Hebrew texts which make up the Judaeo-Christian religious texts. See: “Christian Old Testament, Book of Proverbs” Holy Bible: With Apocrypha King James Version (London, England:, 1611) and New International Version (Colorado Springs: International Bible Society, 1984); William Tyndale, (Trans.) Holy Bible (London, 1530); Lancelot C. L. Brenton, (Trans.) The Septuagint: With Apocrypha (London: Samuel Bagster & Sons, Ltd., 1851)

 

[16] James Dobbins, John G. McGinn, Keith Crane, Seth G. Jones, Rollie Lal, Andrew Rathmell, Rachel Swanger and Anga Timilsina, America’s Role in Nation-Building: From Germany to Iraq (Santa Monica, California: RAND Corporation, 2003); James Dobbins, Seth G. Jones, Keith Crane, Andrew Rathmell, Brett Steele, Richard Teltschik and Anga Timilsina, The UN’s Role in Nation-Building: From the Congo to Iraq (Santa Monica, California: RAND Corporation, 2005)

 

[17] Amos N. Wilson, Awakening the Natural Genius of Black Children (New York: Afrikan World Infosystems, 1992) pp. 1-2

 

[18]Martin Carnoy, Education as Cultural Imperialism (New York: Longman, Inc., 1974) pp. 2

 

[19] Stuart Chapin, Cultural Change (New York: Century Press, 1928) pp. 45-48

 

[20] Thomas Piketty, “Foreign Investment is like Slow Poison,” The Africa Report 07 October 2014 [http://www.theafricareport.com/North-Africa/foreign-investment-is-like-slow-poison.html]; Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century Arthur Goldhammer (Trans.), (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014)

 

[21] Ayi Kwei Armah, Osiris Rising: A Novel of Africa Past, Present and Future (Popenguine, Senegal: Per Ankh Publishers, 1995) pp. 220

 

[22] Martin Carnoy, Education as Cultural Imperialism (New York: Longman, Inc., 1974) pp. 19

 

[23] Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Herder and Herder, 1970)

 

[24] Alvin Toffler, The Third Wave (New York: Bantam Books, 1981)

 

[25] Paul Goodman, Compulsory Mis-education (New York: Horizon Press, 1964)

 

[26] Ivan Illich, Deschooling Society (New York: Harper & Row, 1971)

 

[27] Wade Nobles, African Psychology: Toward Its Reclamation, Revitalization and Re-ascension (Oakland, CA: Black Family Institute, 1986); Jacob Carruthers, Intellectual Warfare (Chicago: Third World Press, 1999); Kobi Kazembe Kalongi Kambon, Cultural Mis-Orientation: The Greatest Threat to the Survival of the Black Race in the 21^st Century (Tallahassee, Florida: Nubian Nation Publications, 2003)

 

[28] Amos N. Wilson, Blueprint For Black Power (New York: Afrikan World Infosystems, 1998)

 

[29] Peter Berger and Thomas Luckman, The Social Construction of Reality (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Anchor Books, 1967)

 

[30] Maulana Karenga, Kwanzaa: A Celebration of Family, Community and Culture (Los Angeles: University of Sankore Press, 2008)

 

[31] John P. Van Gigch, Applied General Systems Theory (New York: Harper & Row, 1978); Fritjof Capra, The Turning Point (New York: Bantam Books, 1983)

 

[32] Molefi Asante, Afrocentricity: A Theory of Social Change (Buffalo: Amulefi Press, 1980); Ama Mazama, The Afrocentric Paradigm (Trenton: Africa World Press, Inc., 2003)

 

[33] Amos N. Wilson, The Falsification of Afrikan Consciousness (New York: Afrikan World Infosystems, 1993) 

 

[34] Amos N. Wilson, “Developing the Un-developed Minds of Afrikan Children,” Public Lecture (New York: 1992)

 

[35] Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Dar es Salaam: East African Educational Publishers, 2009) pp. 75-77.

 

[36] Amilcar Cabral, “The Weapon of Theory” Speech- The First Tri-continental Conference of the Peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America (Havana, Cuba: January, 1966)

 

[37] Robert A. Isaak and Ralph P. Hummel, Politics for Human Beings (North Scituate, Massachusetts: Duxbury Press, 1975) pp. 3-9.

 

[38] J. B. DANQUAH, The Akim Abuakwa Handbook (London: Forstern Groom and Company, 1928); J. E. CASELY-HAYFORD, Gold Coast Native Institutions (London: Sweet and Maxwell, 1903); K. A. BUSIA, The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti (Oxford: OUP, 1951); J. B. DANQUAH, Obligation in Akan Society, West African Affairs (London) No.8 (1952); Chancellor Williams, The Destruction of Black Civilization: Great Issues of a Race Between 4500 B.C. and 2000 A.D. (Chicago: Third World Press, 1971)

 

[39] Robert A. Isaak and Ralph P. Hummel, Politics for Human Beings (North Scituate, Massachusetts: Duxbury Press, 1975) pp. 13-17; Richard W. Paul and Linda Elder, Critical Thinking: Tools for Taking Charge of Your Professional and Personal Life (Upper Saddle, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 2002) pp. 54-55, 66.

 

[40] Harold D. Lasswell, Politics: Who Gets What When How (Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1958); David Easton, The Political System: An Inquiry into the State of Political Science (New York: Knopf, 1964)

 

[41] Murray Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics (Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1967); Robert A. Isaak and Ralph P. Hummel, Politics for Human Beings (North Scituate, Massachusetts: Duxbury Press, 1975) pp. 25-29.

 

[42] Amos N. Wilson, Blueprint for Black Power: A Moral, Political, and Economic Imperative for the Twenty-First Century (New York: Afrikan World Infosystems, 2000) pp. 24-25.

 

[43] Na’im Akbar, Visions for Black Men (Tallahassee: Mind Productions and Associates, 1994)

 

[44] Robert A. Isaak and Ralph P. Hummel, Politics for Human Beings (North Scituate, Massachusetts: Duxbury Press, 1975) pp. 33-55.

 

[45] Amos N. Wilson, The Falsification of Afrikan Consciousness: Eurocentric History, Psychiatry and the Politics of White Supremacy (New York: Afrikan World Infosystems, 1993) pp. 18.

 

[46] The election of President Barak Obama as President of the United States of America does not represent substantive political economic engagement on the part of the grassroots of the Afrikan Diaspora and it is not real change. Instead, the elections are nothing more than apparent change and are merely an example of elite manipulation of the grassroots for elite ends. American politics is primarily Plural-Elitist in nature, which means that competing elites who agree on the basics of the social order as well as on the projection of hegemonic power but who disagree on the methodology of implementation engage in structured political campaigns or combat.  Each is represented in general by one of two parties, and each sets the rules of political participation so as to eliminate the development of any real mass oriented populist parties.  The Plural-Elites choose candidates that agree on the basic rules of the social system and fund them placing them before the mass public and to varying degrees opening the corporate media them.  The grassroots are allowed to choose among safe interests as defined by Plural-Elites. The sudden ‘rise’ of Barak Obama through the American political system is akin to the placement of Enslaved Afrikans as Generals in the Arab armies of conquest, even when these enslaved Afrikans seized power they ruled in accordance to Arab cultural paradigms. The power structure, which includes the ruling ethnic[s] group[s], any police apparatus, governors, bureaucrats, kwk, serve, manage, administrate, enact, enforce the policies of the ruling class in a country in any historical time. If they seize power ‘illegitimately or obtain it ‘legally’ they rule according to the dictates of the dominant culture, seldom if ever do they do otherwise. None of the Enslaved Afrikans who were made generals or who became Caliphs, Viziers and the like used their power for Afrikan Liberation. The Afrikan Septimus Severus who became Emperor of Rome c. 4443-4452 KC [c. 202-211 CE] was an excellent Roman Emperor ruling according to the rules set down by Rome from its inception as a regional power in c. 4750 KC [c. 509 CE] He did not seek to liberate conquered Afrikan lands.  President Barak Obama during his two Presidential Administrations has continued the economic and military policies that were implemented by President George W. Bush. At best President Obama has engaged in pseudo-symbolic political action towards Afrikan people. During his administration the fundamental sociological, economic, political, psychological, historical, and religious relationships between Eurasians, Americans and Global Wafrika Weusi people has not changed. It is still defined by domination. To go a step further the idea that the Executive office of any nation is the center of power is obsolete in an International Political Economy where Corporations weld enormous economic power and paramilitary capabilities and mass produced sophisticated military weaponry.  The actual core of power more appropriately resides in the G8 Finance Ministers and the Central Banks of the economic powerhouses of the Triad composed of the United States, the European Union, China and Japan.

 

[47] Jacques Ellul, Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes Konrad Kellen & Jean Lerner (Trans.)  (New York: Knopf, 1965)

 

[48] “Poverty: A hellish state to be in. It is no virtue. It is a crime.  To be poor, is to be hungry without possible hope of food; to be sick without hope of medicine; to be tired and sleepy without a place to lay one's head; to be naked without the hope of clothing; to be despised and comfortless. To be poor is to be a fit subject for crime and hell.  The hungry man steals bread and thereby breaks the eighth commandment; by his state he breaks all the laws of God and man and becomes an outcast. In thought and deed he covets his neighbor's goods; comfortless as he is he seeks his neighbor's wife; to him there is no other course but sin and death. That is the way of poverty. No one wants to be poor.” From: Marcus Garvey, The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey Ed. Amy Jaques-Garvey (New York City: UNIA, 1923)

 

[49] James W. Douglass, The Non-Violent Cross: A Theology of Revolution and Peace (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock, 1968)

 

[50] Peter R. Mitchell and John Schoeffel, Understanding Power: The Indispensable Chomsky (New York: The New Press, 2002)